dorset chiapas solidarity

November 29, 2016

Ayotzinapa: It Was the Army

Filed under: Repression — Tags: , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 10:49 am



Ayotzinapa: It Was the Army




‘The True Night of Iguala’, Book by Anabel Hernandez

Aristegui Noticias: On the orders of a drug cartel capo, soldiers of the 27th Infantry Battalion carried out an operation to retrieve a shipment of heroin with an estimated value of $2 million dollars, which was hidden in two buses taken by the Ayotzinapa normal school students in the Iguala bus station on the evening of September 26, 2014. So the book ‘The True Night of Iguala’ reveals.

Based on interviews with a key Guerrero drug trafficker and the direct testimony of others, the journalist, Anabel Hernández, broadens and deepens what was previously reported in the magazine Proceso, on how the Battalion took control of Iguala during the hours that the 43 youths from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Normal School were disappeared, whose fate is still unknown.

Hernández received a hitherto hidden document from the PGR [Attorney General’s Office], in which the General Inspector of the agency called for an investigation of the 27 Infantry Battalion. By presidential orders, the investigation was stopped, the journalist says. César Chávez Alejandro Flores, the visitor who drew up the “legal technical evaluation”, was forced to submit his resignation to the Attorney General last September.

The document PGR obtained by the reporter, states: “It is instructed … that the investigation be extended with respect to Captain José Martínez Crespo such that he testify about the allegations that have been made regarding his possible links with organized crime and the result be sent to the Deputy Attorney General for Specialized Investigation of Organized Crime (SEIDO).”

In addition, it instructs that there be an assessment of the possible “remiss behaviour that may have been incurred by 27th Infantry Battalion staff, based in Iguala, Guerrero,” in order “to have data and sufficient evidence to widen the investigation regarding possible crimes which could be attributed to them, such as concealment, abuse of authority or any other unlawful act in the exercise of their functions.”

If the case of Ayotzinapa rocked the country, ‘The True Night of Iguala’ represents another jolt of great significance.

The collaboration of the military with drug traffickers is revealed in the book: “On the night of September 26, 2014, a drug dealer with a significant level of operations in Guerrero, who was in Iguala, was informed that students from the Ayotzinapa Normal School were aboard two buses in which a shipment of heroin with a value of at least two million dollars was hidden. The students did not know that they were traveling with the precious cargo and that their destiny was bound to it.

“Although the capo was accustomed to trafficking several tons of heroin, the amount that the buses were carrying was not small, and he could not allow that theft, although it was accidental. If he tolerated it, control of his turf would be lost.

“‘If you kill for twenty thousand dollars, then for two million? It’s a way of operating. The recovery of the merchandise was a matter of money and an issue of authority, if the robbery were allowed, then there would be more,’ explained one credible informant with whom several meetings were held during fifteen months of this investigation.

“The drug trafficker in question had at least eight years working in the state, first as a collaborator with Arturo Beltrán Leyva, with whom he smuggled drugs into the United States as a minority partner. He eventually acquired more power, and managed to maintain a discreet profile; his name is never mentioned in the criminal cases of other members of that cartel.

“In 2009, when Arturo Beltrán Leyva was killed [by the military] in Cuernavaca, the boss decided to continue with his own operations, using Guerrero as a basis. In order to have control of the area, he had on his payroll soldiers from the 27th and 41st Infantry Battalions, Federal Police, Guerrero State Ministerial [investigative] Police, Federal Ministerial Police, Iguala Municipal Police and various officials from nearby municipalities, as well as in the mountains, where poppies are grown and processed into heroin.

“When the loss of the precious cargo was reported to him, the boss would have made a call to the infantry Colonel José Rodríguez Pérez, Commander of the 27th Battalion, asking him to recover the goods at any cost. The Army was the security force that had the most authority in the city. Perhaps the drug trafficker didn’t realize the magnitude of the operation to recover the drugs.

“‘The Army itself was the one that led the operation to rescue the drugs,’ said the source of information who was aware of the facts.

“The expert ballistics studies obtained in this investigation, as well as the way the facts fit together, suggests that the Estrella de Oro buses #1568 and #1531 were loaded with drugs and were the target of attacks that night. They stopped the first at the intersection of Juan N. Alvarez and Periferico Norte [North Ring Road] and the second on the Iguala-Mezcala road near the Palace of Justice, with the help of the Municipal Police of Iguala Huitzuco and Cocula and of the Federal Police and the Ministerial Police of Guerrero.

“According to this version, at the time the military rescued the drugs from the buses, the students on board would have realized what they were extracting from the compartments, an unforeseen event that suddenly detonated the need to disappear them so as not to leave witnesses.”

‘The Real Night of Iguala’ indicates that the drug trafficker sought only to recover the merchandise and “left everything in the hands of the military.” “No drug cartel ignites its own turf … that’s absurd,” the journalist told Aristegui Noticias. … [the Spanish article gives further recounting of details of the night and evidence collected.]

The book, published by Penguin Random House, under its Grijalbo label, will be released at the beginning of next week and will be presented on December 1 at the Guadalajara International Book Fair.



October 3, 2016

Insumisión: It Was the State

Filed under: news, Uncategorized — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 1:43 pm



Insumisión: It Was the State


Originally posted to It’s Going Down
September 29, 2016
By Scott Campbell

Several significant events have unfolded during the past couple weeks in Mexico, from an end the teachers’ strike to the commemoration of major key dates for the resistance. As ever, the repression and impunity with which the Mexican state operates has continued unabated. There’s a lot to cover, so let’s jump right in.


chilpancingo-protest-molotovsProtests in Chilpancingo, Guerrero on September 25.


On September 26, 2014, students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers’ College in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero were traveling to Mexico City to participate in the annual mobilization marking the October 2, 1968 Tlatelolco massacre. They were intercepted by state forces in Iguala, Guerrero, where police opened fire, killing six – three students and three passersby. Forty-three other students were disappeared and to this day their location and fate remain unknown.

The disappearance of the 43 students led to massive, consistent and militant mobilizations around Mexico that have continued until now, as the students came to symbolize the tens of thousands of disappeared in Mexico and the state’s role in facilitating, enabling and participating in a climate of corruption, terror and impunity. This was only exacerbated after the government proclaimed they had solved the disappearance, emphasizing as a “historical truth” that the students were stopped by local police, handed over to a cartel, killed and then burned in a nearby landfill.

Yet, at least three separate teams of independent forensic experts, including one sent by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) and another that identifies the remains of the disappeared in Argentina, have declared the state’s version of events to be “scientifically impossible.” The investigators also pointed to the state’s lack of cooperation, manipulation of evidence, torture and outright lies as impeding any hope of revealing the truth. The IACHR team was run out of Mexico due to an intense smear campaign in the media, orchestrated by the federal government. #FueElEstado (It Was the State) has been the rallying cry from the beginning, as 43 families and their supporters have put their shattered lives on hold to ceaselessly pursue truth and justice for their disappeared children.




As the two-year anniversary of the disappearance approached, hundreds of events were planned in every corner of Mexico and the world. And it seemed like the families had achieved a small victory when Tómas Zerón, head of the Criminal Investigation Agency resigned. Identified by the IACHR team as one of the main parties responsible for the cover-up, the families had called off negotiations with the government until he was removed from his post. But the victory was short-lived and the malicious face of the state revealed yet again as the following day it was announced he resigned only to be promoted to the position of Technical Secretary of the National Security Council.

In another shot at the movement, Luis Fernando Sotelo, who was arrested during actions for Ayotzinapa in 2014, was sentenced to an outrageous 33 years in prison on September 20. Another arrestee from an Ayotzinapa action in 2015, César, is currently being forced to pay the state 420,000 pesos or face three years in prison and is seeking support.


luis-fernando-fire-prison“Fire to the prison”


Response to Sotelo’s sentencing was immediate and took many forms. It was denounced in astatement by the Network Against Repression and for Solidarity and in a joint Zapatista and National Indigenous Congress statement on Ayotzinapa. In the streets, compas wheatpasted and graffitied in support of Sotelo and also put up a flaming blockade on Insurgentes Avenue. A group of anarchists released a video statement demanding his release and gave the state 48 hours as of September 26 to provide answers to the Ayotzinapa families “or suffer the consequences.” Currently, Sotelo is one of six anarchist prisoners in Mexico City who began a hunger strike on September 28 in solidarity with the ongoing prison strike in the U.S. and against his sentence and that of the prisoners from San Pedro Tlanixco. It’s Going Down will have a translation of their statement on the strike up shortly.

If the state hoped to deter resistance with Sotelo’s sentence, they were sorely mistaken. As the father of one of the disappeared said, “What I love is my son. I can’t describe what it feels like for him to be disappeared. I say this to the people who are bothered that we protest and have actions here and there in order to find our children, to demand justice. What would you do if your child was disappeared? Would you remain seated doing nothing or would you search for them? If there was a chance you’d see them again, what would you do?”

The weekend leading up to September 26 saw numerous actions. On September 24, students from Ayotzinapa blockaded the Mexico City-Acapulco highway with commandeered tractor trailers, distributing their contents to drivers. On the same day, students organized a fare-hopping action (#PosMeSalto) in the Mexico City metro. They also took over a toll booth in Puebla

In Chilpancingo, the capital of Guerrero, Ayotzinapa students took their fight to the state, shooting fireworks at a military base on September 24 and heaving molotovs at police amidst a fog of tear gas on September 25. On that day, seven were arrested. All were severely beaten by police, with four requiring hospitalization.

September 26 culminated with thousands marching to the Zócalo in Mexico City for a rally led by the parents that ended with a rendition of “Venceremos” and a count from 1 to 43.

The following day, teaching college students in Michoacán kept up the struggle with a highway blockade that was also calling for more teaching positions for their schools’ graduates. In response, federal and state police drove up to the blockade and opened fire. As many fled into the hills, it is still unknown how many were wounded. Forty-nine students, mainly women, were arrested. In spite of the police attack, the students have said the repression will only cause them to escalate their actions.


michoacan-normalista-barricadeHighway blockade by students in Michoacán.


Teachers’ Strike

On September 12, teachers in Chiapas blockaded the state capitol building, the state congress, the city hall of Tuxtla Gutiérrez, and the state offices of the Ministry of Housing and the post office, giving the appearance that the teachers’ movement remained steadfast in the southeast corner of Mexico. Yet that same day, Luis Miranda Nava, the Minister of Social Development, flew to Chiapas on the presidential plane to meet with the governor and several other high-ranking state and police officials, as well as the leadership of National Coordinator of Education Workers (CNTE) Sections 7 and 40.

Following that meeting, the teachers held an assembly and decided to seek “a political exit” from the strike. The next day, on September 13, teachers from Guerrero, Chiapas and Michoacán left the national CNTE encampment in Mexico City, leaving behind only a small group of teachers from Oaxaca. In a subsequent assembly on September 15, the Chiapan teachers voted to end the strike and return to classes on September 19. With teachers in Oaxaca deciding to return to classes on September 7, and the teachers in Michoacán also voting on September 15 to end the strike, the 124-day strike can be considered over.

What is the result of four months of struggle? What went right and what went wrong? A critical analysis of events is beyond the scope of this column, though for those who read Spanish, this essay offers an insightful look into the teachers’ struggle in Oaxaca. Those who came out best in the struggle are the teachers in Chiapas, where the government, if it keeps its word, has pledged to not implement the educational reform in Chiapas for the remainder of Enrique Peña Nieto’s term, to unfreeze the union’s bank accounts and pay back wages, rescind outstanding arrest warrants against movement members, and invest tens of millions in school infrastructure. In Oaxaca, the teachers started negotiations with the government again on September 20, but no agreements have yet been reached. As for Guerrero, Michoacán and Mexico City, it’s not clear if negotiations or government concessions occurred.


oaxaca-grito-protestBarricades in Oaxaca on September 15.


At the end of the day, the educational reform remains in place. Its repeal was the primary demand of the strike. The fact that different states arrived at different arrangements with the federal government in what started as a national strike speaks to a lack of cohesion among CNTE sections. And just as public sympathy and mobilization in support of the teachers was at its peak following the massacre in Nochixtlán, the teachers accepted the carrot of negotiations offered to it by the state. Entering into weeks of fruitless negotiations brought the struggle off the streets and behind closed doors, deflating the momentum it had acquired, just as the government hoped it would. When the CNTE finally had enough of talking in circles, the school year was about to start and the government had thousands of federal forces in place in Oaxaca and Chiapas. Faced with the threat of physical force and the loss of popularity as the strike meant children went without education, one by one the sections returned to class. Lastly, the CNTE stayed true to its roots. First and foremost, it is a teachers union, not a revolutionary movement. While the CNTE adopted more populist rhetoric, calling for the repeal of all neoliberal reforms, and the street responded in support, the street also urged the teachers not to abandon the struggle and to keep in mind the demands and sacrifices of the people. Throughout its history of often impressive struggle, the CNTE has consistently, like a moth to a flame, been demobilized by offers of access to power. To actually endeavor to repeal all neoliberal reforms would essentially mean overthrowing the existing social, economic and political order in Mexico. The CNTE is not built for that, nor as it is currently constituted and functions should it be a desirable vehicle for revolutionary change.

Despite its flaws, the CNTE displayed tremendous fortitude, with the support of many sectors of society, in maintaining a four-month national strike in the face of a massacre, widespread police violence, an intransigent government, powerful business lobbies, firings, fines and imprisonment, and a media apparatus whose sole mission was to defame it. It consistently brought hundreds of thousands of people out into the streets, coordinated national actions, and effectively shut down interstate commerce in Chiapas and Oaxaca at-will. The union displayed a willingness to listen to the people, holding countless meetings and assemblies with parents, workers, farmers, local authorities, indigenous communities, and civil society organizations. It presented an analysis of the educational and economic crises facing Mexico and through collaboration with communities offered alternative proposals. And from the start, the CNTE’s demands went beyond issues of wages or working conditions, but included opposition to neoliberalism, justice for Ayotzinapa, freedom for political prisoners and more. More impressively, they did this without getting paid for four months and with all union bank accounts frozen. For all it may lack, the CNTE also offers important lessons when it comes to confronting capitalism and the state. To truly challenge the neoliberal narcostate in Mexico would require social movements with comprehensive analyses and representation to mobilize with the determination, discipline and support that the CNTE is capable of mustering and providing from and for its members.



Arturo Lara © Todos los derechos reservados

Arturo Lara © Todos los derechos reservados


September 16 is Mexico’s Independence Day. The evening before, the president in Mexico City and the governors in each state give a “grito,” a shout/cry of “Viva México” and the like in each state’s respective Zócalos, imitating the one given by Miguel Hidalgo that supposedly helped jumpstart Mexico’s War of Independence. It’s become a tradition for social movements to hold alternative gritos and/or to try to interrupt the official one, and 2016 was no different.

In Mexico City, around 15,000 people participated in a decidedly liberal march calling for Enrique Peña Nieto to resign for being “inept.” They were blocked from reaching the Zócalo by rows of police, where Peña Nieto gave his grito to crowds bused in from outside of the city.

In Oaxaca, teachers tried to march on the Zócalo to prevent Governor Gabino Cué from giving the grito. They clashed with police, who fired tear gas directly at demonstrators. One teacher was hit in the face and had to be transported to Puebla to receive specialized medical attention. Teachers then regrouped at their union hall nearby and fought back with fireworks. In response, the government cut the signal to the teachers’ radio station, Radio Plantón.

Graco Ramírez, the deeply unpopular governor of Morelos, gave his grito surrounded by police and sheet metal barricades to keep protesters out. Nonetheless, their heckling, whistles and cries of “Graco out!” reached the Zócalo. In Cancún, Quintana Roo, two students were shoved into a police vehicle by plainclothes cops, forced to share the contents of their phones, and were driven around while being beaten before being dumped on the outskirts of the city. All for the egregious crime of holding a protest sign.

The governor of Chiapas, Manuel Velasco, was forced to hold the grito in Tapachula, as the teachers were still occupying the central square in the capital of Tuxtla Gutiérrez. Tapachulans tried to put a stop to those plans, clashing with police on both September 14 and 15. Meanwhile in Palenque, before the mayor could give his grito, hundreds of masked Zapatista supporters took over the Zócalo and used a ladder to reach the balcony where the grito would’ve be given, where a cry against the state and capitalism was heard instead.

Also in Chiapas, students, professors and indigenous organizations have taken over three campuses of the Intercultural University of Chiapas (UNICH), demanding the rehiring of 30 fired professors, “respect for the intercultural educational model” and for the university to support the demands of the teachers’ movement. A partial victory was achieved when the president of the UNICH-Las Margaritas campus resigned on September 20. As always, repression continues against indigenous communities in the state. The community of San Francisco, Teopisca, adherents to the Sixth Declaration, denounced a blockade put in place against their community by paramilitaries belonging to the Green Party, the ruling party in the state. In the autonomous community of Ejido Tila, gunmen attempted to assassinate Manuel Martínez Pérez, a local organizer, firing 11 rounds through the window of his home. Meanwhile, two political prisoners from the community of San Sebastián Bachajón, Esteban Gómez Jiménez and Santiago Moreno Pérez, are requesting solidarity to end the harassment, assaults and medical neglect they are facing on the inside, just as the community itself is condemning the most recent state police invasion of their lands. Finally, in addition to the statement on Ayotzinapa, the Zapatistas released a contemplative, non-specific “Invitation to ‘CompArte and ConCiencias for Humanity.’”

In Brief

boy-blocks-homphobic-march-mexicoTwelve year old blocks a homophobic march in Guanajuato.

In addition to all of the above, there is more to share from the past two weeks in Mexico. Before wrapping up, here are a few other stories from that time frame. On September 11 and September 24, Mexico saw large right-wing, homophobic “Marches for the Family” take place against gay marriage, adoption rights for gay partners and abortion. A twelve-year-old boy knew just what to do when faced with 11,000 homophobes in Celaya, Guanajuato: block their march. The September 24 march included the participation of neo-Nazis, filmed trying to be intimidating in the Mexico City metro.

On September 13, activist and journalist Augustín Pavía Pavía was killed in Oaxaca. The next day, Oaxacan teacher Jorge Vela Díaz was killed outside his school. Also on September 14, in neighboring Puebla, the editor of El Grafíco de la Sierra, Aurelio Campos Cabrera, was assassinated outside of his home, making him the tenth journalist killed in Mexico this year.

Also in Oaxaca, political prisoner Adán Mejía was released on September 16. On September 19, marches and highway blockades marked three months since the Nochixtlán massacre. While online, numerous independent media outlets published the same article, providing extensive documentation of the police targeting and killing of Yalid Jiménez in Nochixtlán.

The 80,000-strong Independent National Democratic Farmworkers Union (SINDJA) in San Quintín released a statement emphasizing that the boycott of Driscoll’s Berries continues. Recognizing that the many struggles in Mexico and the world are linked, they also expressed solidarity with the #NoDAPL fight and commemorated two years since the disappearance of the students from Ayotzinapa. For those in northern and central California, on October 15 there will be a protest at Driscoll’s distribution center near Watsonville in response to SINDJA’s call to push the boycott forward.

Earlier this month, former political prisoner and indigenous Yaqui leader Mario Luna made a solidarity visit to Standing Rock. In Nayarit, indigenous Wixaritari communities marched from Jalisco to reclaim 184 hectares of their ancestral lands from ranchers, the first direct action in an attempt to recuperate 10,000 hectares. For those who read Spanish, Desinformémonos has put together a look at the impressive self-managed projects and industries that have arisen in the autonomous indigenous community of Cherán, Michoacán since the 20,000 inhabitants kicked out the state and narcos five years ago. In Tocuila, Atenco, State of Mexico, an 89-year-old and his 56-year-old son were brutally beaten in their home by armed men due to their opposition to the construction of a new international airport and their refusal to sell their lands for that purpose. Anarchists placed a couple explosive devices that destroyed two police vehicles in Ecatepec, State of Mexico, then wrote a snarky communique about it. The president of the Autonomous University of the State of Morelos, Alejandro Vera Jiménez, is currently on hunger strike to protest the policies of previously mentioned Morelos governor Graco Ramírez. Labelling the governor an authoritarian liar, Vera said, “He wants us on our knees, he wants us to die of hunger, he wants us silenced, but we won’t allow it.”

On September 19, activists in New York City protested Enrique Peña Nieto outside of a $1,000/plate Foreign Policy Association World Leadership Forum that he was headlining.

And to bring this edition to a close, in Playa del Carmen, Quintana Roo, residents frustrated with the lack of sanitation service decided to “bring the trash to the dump” where it belongs.



September 28, 2016

New communiqué from San Sebastián Bachajón on Ayotzinapa

Filed under: Bachajon, Indigenous, Political prisoners, Repression, Uncategorized — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 3:11 pm



New communiqué from San Sebastián Bachajón on Ayotzinapa


Compañeros y compañeras, we hope you all have a good day. In this message we send you our communiqué asking you to please give it wider dissemination. We are currently in a peaceful action at Crucero Chabán, on the section of the highway from Ocosingo to Palenque, to demand truth and justice for the disappearance of the 43 students.





To the General Command of the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation

To the Good Government Juntas (JBG)

To the Indigenous National Congress

To adherents to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle in Mexico and the world

To the mass and alternative media

To the Network against Repression and for Solidarity

To Movement for Justice in El Barrio from New York

To national and international human rights defenders

To the people of Mexico and the world

To the defenders of national and international human rights

To the people of Mexico and the world

Jmololabex ants winiketik icha spatil to wotanik ta pisilik machatik nokol skoltabel you kinalik you yuun ta lum skuenta nokol you spojbel you chopol ajwalil.

Comrades in general we wish you all a good day, receive a warm greeting from the adherents to the Sixth Declaration of the ejido San Sebastián Bachajón.

Today marks two years since the barbaric repression in Iguala committed by the Mexican state, also killing three people and leaving three others in a coma due to the repression suffered, at the same time leaving 43 young normal school student teachers disappeared, so far they have not been given justice.

These figures are added to thousands of killed and disappeared throughout the country as well as hundreds of political prisoners incarcerated for their commitment to the defence of the peoples and of life, because we are tired of our natural resources being exploited, the bad government sends our compañeros to prison for defending our mother earth, for organising themselves, that was the crime they committed, when all we want is that our rights are respected, and our natural resources.

For the results implemented by the Mexican narco-state against the people, to impose their projects of plunder and territorial destruction by large private multinational companies, have been accompanied by the constitution, since the bad government with its reforms has privatized what corresponds to society, violating our rights as indigenous people, as they want to put an end to our struggle to achieve their ends.




We join the national and worldwide clamour; we open our hearts to the rage and pain of the parents of our young disappeared compañeros, we protest against the bad government, we will continue in the demand for the live appearance of the missing students from Ayotzinapa. We tell them they are not alone, their struggle in the demand for justice is ours.

No more unjust imprisonments, we demand the immediate release of our compañeros unjustly imprisoned, Esteban Gómez Jiménez imprisoned in Cintalapa de Figueroa, Chiapas (amate # 14) Santiago Moreno Perez and Emilio Jimenez Gomez, prisoners in Playas de Catazajá, Chiapas (ceress # 17) who were imprisoned for having the commitment to fight and defend mother earth; we also demand the freedom of other political prisoners of Mexico and the world.

From the Northern Zone of the state of Chiapas, the women and men of San Sebastián send combative greetings to all the compañeros and compañeras and to the communities and people in Mexico and the world who are in resistance.


Juan Vázquez Guzmán Lives, the Bachajón struggle continues!

Juan Carlos Gómez Silvano Lives, the Bachajón struggle continues!

No to the dispossession of indigenous territory!

State police out of our indigenous territory!

Immediate return of the disappeared and murdered compañeros from the Normal School Raúl Isidro Burgos of Ayotzinapa!

Long live the dignified struggle of the Chol compañeros and compañeras from the ejido Tila!

Long live the dignified struggle of the comrades of San Francisco Xochicuautla!

Long live the communities who struggle for their autonomy and freedom!

Justice for Ayotzinapa, Acteal, ABC, Atenco!

Never again a Mexico without us

Land and freedom

Zapata lives!

¡Hasta la victoria siempre!

Freedom for political prisoners!

Posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity



September 26, 2016

CNI and EZLN: War and Resistance Dispatch #44

Filed under: CNI, Indigenous, Zapatistas — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 11:10 am



CNI and EZLN: War and Resistance Dispatch #44




To the peoples of the world:

To the alternative, free, autonomous, or whatever-you-call-it media:

To the National and International Sixth:

War and Resistance Dispatch #44

And what about the other 43? And the ones that follow?

This country has not been the same since the bad government committed one of its most heinous crimes in disappearing 43 young indigenous students of the teaching college Raúl Isidro Burgos in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, two years ago. This event forced us to acknowledge the profound darkness in which we find ourselves today, stirring our individual and collective hearts and spirit. The rage, pain, and hope embodied in the families and compañeros of the 43 illuminate that darkness and shine on the faces of millions of people of every geography below in Mexico and around the world, as well as among a conscientious international civil society in solidarity.

As originary barrios, tribes, nations, and peoples, we begin from the collective heart that we are and turn our gaze into words.

From the geographies and calendars below that reflect the resistances, rebellions, and autonomies of those of us who make up the National Indigenous Congress; from the places and paths from where we as originary peoples see and understand the world: from the ancient geographies within which we have never ceased to see, understand, and resist this same violent war that the powerful wage against all of us who suffer and resist with all of our individual or collective being: we use our gaze and our words to take as our own the faces of the 43 disappeared which travel through every corner of the country in search of truth and justice, faces that are reflected in millions of others and that show us, in the dark of night, the way of the sacred, because pain and hope are sacred. That collective face multiplies and focuses its gaze on the geographies of resistance and rebellion.

From the Geographies of Below




The disappearance of the 43 students from Ayotzinapa lives on in impunity. To search for truth from within the putrefaction of power is to search within the worst of this country, in the cynicism and perversion of the political class. The political class not only continues to pretend to keep up the search for the disappeared compañeros, but, in the face of growing evidence pointing to the culpability of the terrorist narco-state, it actually rewards those in charge of lying and distorting the truth. This is what they did in moving Tomás Zerón [ex-head of the Attorney General’s Criminal Investigation Agency]—the person responsible for planting false evidence to back up his historical lie about the Cocula garbage dump[i]—to Technical Secretary of the National Security Council. It is one more confirmation of the criminal nature of the bad government.

On top of lies, deceit, and impunity, the bad government heaps abuses and injustices against those who have shown solidarity with and support for the struggle of the families and compañeros of the 43. This includes Luis Fernando Sotelo Sambrano, a young person who has always been supportive of originary peoples’ struggles, including that of Cherán, of the Yaqui Tribe, of indigenous prisoners, and of the Zapatista communities. He has been sentenced by a judge to 33 years and 5 months for the sextuple crime of being young, poor, a student, in solidarity, rebellious, and a person of integrity.

This is what we see from those in power above: those who murder are covered for by lies and rewarded with protection; those who protest injustice receive beatings and imprisonment.


When we look toward:

The south: the peoples’ struggle in defence of their territories against political bosses and large companies is dissolved by the struggle for security and justice against organized crime cartels whose intimate relationship with the entire political class is the only certainty that we as a people have about any state body.

The formation of shock troops that attack citizen protests have permeated towns and villages, and the government purposely generates conflicts that destroy the internal fabric of a community. That is, the government tries to create mirrors of its own war by sowing conflict in the communities and betting on the destruction of the most sensitive parts of the social fabric. There is nothing more dangerous and explosive for this nation than this practice.

The west: the struggles for land, security, and justice occur in the midst of administrative management for the drug cartels, disguised by the state as crime-fighting initiatives or development policies. On the other hand, the peoples who have resisted and even combatted criminal activity through organization from below have to struggle against constant attempts by the bad government to re-establish territorial control by organized crime cartels—and their respective preferred political parties.

The autonomous organization of the communities and their unwavering struggles for sacred sites and ancestral lands do not cease. The defence of our Mother Earth is not negotiable. We are watching the struggle of the Wixárika community of Wauta-San Sebastián Teponahuaxtlán for the recovery of almost ten thousand hectares bordering the town of Huajimic, Nayarit. There, despite the fact that the community has established their rights in agrarian courts, the judicial authorities have been remiss. The bad governments use the false official geographies that divide the states as a pretext to incentivize the displacement of indigenous peoples. To the Wixárika people, with regard to their rebellion and autonomy, we say: we are with you.

The north: where the struggles for recognition of territorial rights continue against threats by mining companies, agrarian displacement, the theft of natural resources, and the subjugation of resistance by narco-paramilitaries, the originary peoples continue to make and remake themselves every day.




Among the originary peoples of the tribes of the north, the Sioux nation weaves its own geographies that go beyond the false official geographies that locate them in another country; for us, we are all children of the same mother. They are resisting the invasion of their sacred lands, cemeteries, and ceremonial sites by an oil pipeline under construction by the company Energy Transfer Partners. That company intends to transport oil obtained through fracking in the Bakken region in North Dakota through their territories. This struggle has generated solidarity and unity among the originary peoples of the north. To them we say that their rage is ours, and as the National Indigenous Congress, we raise our voice with them and will continue to do so. Their dignified struggle is also ours.

The peninsula: The Mayan peoples resist the attempt to disappear them by decree, defending their territories against attack by tourism and real estate interests. A proliferation of hired hitmen operate in impunity to displace the indigenous peoples. The agroindustry of genetically modified organisms threatens the existence of the Mayan peoples, and those magnates, with vile dishonesty, take over agrarian territories, cultural and archaeological sites, and even indigenous identity itself, trying to convert a vital people into a commercial fetish. The communities who struggle against the high electricity costs are persecuted and criminalized.

The centre [of the country]: Infrastructure projects including highways, gas pipelines, oil pipelines, and residential developments are being imposed through violent means and human rights are increasingly vague and removed in the law applied. Powerful groups use strategies of criminalization, co-optation, and division, all of them close—in corrupt and obscene ways—to that criminal who thinks he governs this country: Enrique Peña Nieto.

In the east of the country, violence, fracking, mining, migrant trafficking, corruption, and government madness are the currents that run against the struggle of the peoples, all playing out in the midst of entire regions taken over by violent criminal groups controlled from the highest levels of government.

From Dialogue to Betrayal




Just as the teachers in struggle have done, we as originary peoples have sought dialogue with the bad government regarding our urgent demands for respect of our territories, the return of the disappeared, the freeing of prisoners, justice for those killed, the removal of the police or military from our lands, and our own security and justice, but the government has refused. Instead, it has arrested our spokespeople all over the country; the army has fired on children in Ostula; bulldozers have destroyed the homes of those who resist in Xochicuautla, and federal police have shot at the dignified community accompanying the teachers in Nochixtlán. The bad governments pretend to dialogue; they simulated interest in agreements with the Wixárika people for years in order to pacify the territory while they planned a violent reordering of the region.

Later the government talks like nothing has happened and offers its willingness to make concessions, as long as both parties come to an agreement. Then the government cedes one small part of what it has just destroyed, frees one prisoner, pays damages to the family of one murder victim, and pretends to look for the disappeared. In exchange it asks the originary peoples to cede their collective patrimony—their dignity, their autonomous organization, and their territory.

In various geographies across our country we are holding referendums where we say that we don’t want their mines, their oil pipelines, their GMOs, their dams, and we demand that they consult the people. But the bad government always responds by pretending “to consult as to how to consult on whether to or not to consult on the form of the consultation” (or something like that), what is really a calculated simulation, the erasure of our voice, the manipulation and co-optation of our people, as well as threats and repression. And so it goes until they say it’s done; they proclaim that we agreed to their death projects or that we were divided and they must thus attend to all points of view.

Meanwhile, as they try to keep us quiet with their deceitful consultation agenda and while the NGOs that are “experts” in “consultation” fatten their wallets, they race ahead to concretize—before the supposed consultation has even begun—the theft of the water from the Yaqui River, the destruction of Wirikuta through mining concessions, the construction of oil pipelines that invade the entire Isthmus, and the GMOs imposed in the Riviera Maya.

Our geographies are the paths of the world; this is where we will meet and recognize each other, because we know that the struggle is not just today nor is it just for today. We do not struggle for power or the folklore offered by deceitful campaigns, but rather to weave and reweave what we are, what we were, and what we will be as originary peoples.




The face of the 43 missing and the tenacity of their families and compañeros are the other 43 dispatches on war and resistance. To them we add the pain, rage, and resistance of the originary peoples and the rebellions of millions all over Mexico and around the world.

On top of that we add the dispatches of war and resistance from the other who is persecuted and stigmatized, women who have been abused, disappeared, and murdered, children made into commodities, young people criminalized, nature disgraced, humanity in pain.

We reiterate today, alongside that humanity, along with this earth that we are, that truth and justice are an inalienable demand and that punishment for the culpable—all of those responsible—will be born from the struggle from below. Now more than ever, as originary peoples of the National Indigenous Congress, we know that in this struggle there is no room to give up, sell out, or give in.

Truth and Justice for Ayotzinapa!

Free Luis Fernando Sotelo Zambrano!

Free all of the political prisoners!

For the holistic reconstitution of our peoples.

Never Again a Mexico Without Us.

National Indigenous Congress

Zapatista Army for National Liberation

Mexico, September 2016


[i] The federal government first offered an explanation for the disappearance of the students from Ayotzinapa consisting of their murder and incineration at the garbage dump in Cocula, Guerrero. The explanation has been heavily criticized and largely disproven by forensic scientists and investigators.


September 25, 2016

Ayotzinapa: the government rewards those responsible

Filed under: CNI, Human rights, Indigenous, Zapatistas — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 12:22 pm



Ayotzinapa: the government rewards those responsible


ezln-zapatistas-3-600x338EZLN support for the Ayotzinapa students. Photo: Saúl Kak


Ayotzinapa: The government rewards those responsible and those who lie and persecutes those who seek truth and justice


By: Isaín Mandujano

The Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) and the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) announced today that two years after “the bad government committed one of its worst crimes” by disappearing 43 young indigenous students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers College in Ayotzinapa, “it rewards those responsible for lying and trying to distort the truth even more, and it pursues and incarcerates those who seek truth and justice.”

In a joint comunicado, [1] the EZLN and the CNI recalled that this act only confirmed the profound darkness in which we find ourselves in the country, and it stirred the heart and the individual and collective spirit illuminating the night with rage, with pain and with the hope that the family members and compañeros of the 43 now embody, “and that shines in the face of millions of people in all the geographies of Mexico and of the world of below, and of international civil society in solidarity and aware.”

“The disappearance of the 43 Ayotzinapa students remains unpunished, and seeking the truth in the midst of the power’s decay is to delve into the worst of this country, into the cynicism and perversion of the political class, which not only continues pretending to look for the disappeared compañeros, but that before the growing evidence that shows the culpability of the terrorist narco-state, rewards those responsible for lying and trying to distort the truth even more ‒as is the change of Tomás Zerón, the one responsible for planting alleged proof of their historic lie in the Cocula garbage dump, to Technical Secretary of the National Security Council‒ giving one more account of the bad government’s criminal nature,” both organizations of an indigenous profile pointed out.

They add that to the lie, the simulation and the impunity, the bad government adds outrages and injustices against those who have been in solidarity and demonstrated in support of the struggle of the family member compañeros of the 43, like the youth Luis Fernando Sotelo Zambrano [2], always in solidarity with the struggles of the original peoples –like those in Cherán, the Yaqui tribe, the indigenous prisoners, the Zapatista communities-, who a judge has sentenced to 33 years and 5 months in prison for the sextuple crime of being young, being a student, being poor, being in solidarity, being rebellious and being consistent.

“We see that when we look at who above is the Power: at who murders, covers up and lies, rewards and protects; at who is indignant and protests against injustice, coups and prison,” they point out.

The EZLN and the CNI refer to the long struggles that exist in the south, the west, the north, the Peninsula, the Centre and the east of the country, where the struggle is against political bosses, against the dispossession of territory, against the big transnational mining companies, against shock troops, against the onslaught that threatens to extinguish the peoples of Mexico in resistance.

They explained that just like the teachers have done in their struggle, the original peoples  have sought dialogues and answers from the bad government to their urgent demands with respect to the territories, about the presentation of the disappeared, about the liberation of prisoners, about justice for the murders, about getting the police or the soldiers out of our lands or about our demands for security and justice.

But the government always denies that they even detain the spokespersons all over the country, the Army shoots at children in Ostula, machines destroy houses of those who resist in Xochicuautla, the federal police shoot at the dignified people that accompany the teachers in Nochixtlán. “The bad governments make like they dialogue and simulate for years agreements with the Wixárika [3] people to attain the peaceful restitution of their territory, while they configure a violent reordering of the region.”

And the government talks as if nothing had happened and offers a willingness to yield, always so that both parties agree. The government yields a part of what it just destroyed; it releases a prisoner, indemnifies the family of the one they murdered and feigns looking for the disappeared. And in exchange it asks the peoples to cede their collective patrimony, which is their dignity, their autonomous organization and their territory.

That in various geographies of the country they are resorting to consultations when they say no to their mines, their wind farms, their GMOs, their dams and demand that they must ask the peoples, “but the bad government always answers feigning that: “it consults how to consult, whether it consults or not and the form of the consultation” (or something like that), which is full of simulation, supplanting of our word, manipulation and cooptation of our people and of threats and repression.”

“The faces of the 43 absent and the tenacity of their families and compañeros, are the 43 other parties of war and resistance. To them are added the pains, the rages, the resistances of the original peoples and the rebelliousness of millions all over Mexico and the world,” the EZLN and the CNI said.

And for all that, the parties remain at war and the other’s resistance persecuted and stigmatized, women raped, disappeared and murdered, infancy converted into merchandise, youth criminalized, labour exploited, the rebel persecuted, nature dishonoured and humanity in pain.

“With all that humanity, with this land that we are, we reiterate today that truth and justice are an inalienable demand and that punishment of the guilty ones, all the guilty, will be born from the struggle from below, where, now more than ever and as original peoples of the National Indigenous Congress, we know that it’s not appropriate to surrender, sell out, or give in,” says the writing.

[1] The joint comunicado is entitled Parte de guerra y de Resistencia #44.

[2] Luis Fernando Sotelo Zambrano – A young man that participated in the 3rd day of global action for Ayotzinapa. Police arrested him in the vicinity of a bus stop that was burned during the protest.

[3] Wixárika – Native Mexicans, also known as Huicholes.


Originally Published in Spanish by Chiapas Paralelo

Thursday, September 22, 2016

Re-Published with English interpretation by the Chiapas Support Committee

Posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity



September 23, 2016

Zapatistas Call Mexico a ‘Terrorist Narco-State’

Filed under: CNI — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 4:23 pm



Zapatistas Call Mexico a ‘Terrorist Narco-State’


ezln_crop1431250513851-jpg_1718483346Members of the EZLN hold banners saying Members of the EZLN hold banners saying “You are not alone,” and “Your anger is also ours.” | Photo: Reuters

 “For those who murder, engage in cover-ups and lies: rewards and protection,” read a statement by the Zapatista National Liberation Army.

The Zapatista National Liberation Army denounced the behavior of the Mexican government of Enrique Peña Nieto for “rewarding” people whom the rebel organization accuses of perpetuating impunity in the case of the 43 forcibly disappeared students from the Ayotzinapa teachers’ college.

The National Indigenous Congress together with the Zapatista National Liberation Army, known as the EZLN, issued a statement Thursday condemning the naming of Tomas Zeron as a government security advisor.

Relatives of the 43 Ayotzinapa students announced last week that they were cutting off all dialogue with the Mexican government after Zeron resigned for allegedly tampering with evidence and was then awarded a promotion.

“(The) cynicism and perversion of the political class (…) not only continues to pretend to search for the missing comrades, but instead, with the growing evidence showing the guilt of terrorist narco-state, rewards those responsible for lying and trying to distort the truth even more,” read the statement by the EZLN, referring to Zeron.

“This is what we see when we look up to those in power, for those who murder, engage in cover-ups and lies: rewards and protection – for those who are outraged and protest against injustice: blows and prison,” continued the statement.

Tomas Zeron de Lucio was the former director of criminal investigations responsible for overseeing the Ayotzinapa case and is seen as the person responsible for defending the government’s official version of events.

The government’s official version of events asserts that local police apprehended the students – who had commandeered a bus to travel to a protest – and handed them over to the gang known as Guerreros Unidos, who authorities claim killed the students and burned their bodies in a garbage dump in the town of Cocula.

A number of outside investigations have alleged that the official version of events is not credible. The latest investigation, released this month, found that the immense size of a blaze necessary to burn 43 people was simply not possible in the dump.

An internal investigation by Mexico’s Attorney General’s office concluded that Zeron did, in fact, engage in irregular behaviour in his handling of the case of the 43 students. Specifically, Zeron is accused of conducting investigations at the Cocula dump without the accompaniment or permission of the Public Prosecution. He is further accused of violating the civil rights of a key witness, Agustin Garcia Reyes.

The Attorney General’s Office announced Wednesday that they have identified more than 40 different locations in the state of Guerrero where they believe there may be mass graves.

For nearly two years, the Mexico’s Attorney General’s Office steadfastly maintained that its official version of events was correct and refused to search for the missing students, attempting to convince the public that their remains were left at the Cocula dump.


Posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity



July 1, 2016

Mobilizations 21 Months After the Disappearance of “The 43”

Filed under: sipaz, Uncategorized — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:00 am



Mobilizations 21 Months After the Disappearance of “The 43”


43March in San Cristóbal de Las Casas on June 26, 2016. Photo: @Sipaz.


There were national mobilizations 21 months after the disappearance of the 43 students of the Isidro Burgos Normal Rural School of Ayotzinapa, and the murder of six other people in Iguala. In Mexico City, hundreds of people marched to demand the appearance of the students alive, from the Anti-monument for the 43 to the headquarters of the Attorney General of the Republic (PGR). The mothers and fathers of the students stayed separate at all times from the silent march that was taking place near their route, which had been called by the leader of the Movement for National Regeneration (Morena), Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, in support of the struggle of the National Coordinator of Education Workers for the repeal of the educational reform. It should be highlighted that the mothers and fathers of the students denounced that the bus in which they were travelling to Mexico City was stoned as it passed through Cuernavaca, Morelos. According to Sin Embargo, “the occupant of a black car blocked them and threw stones, breaking the window of the bus they were travelling in; they said there were no injuries.”

In San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, the health sector, which is on strike over the lack of supplies, lack of staff in medical centres and for better social benefits, called a march which arrived at the cultural event in front of the old town hall, where documentaries were shown and a mural was painted. It should be noted that on June 22 the health sector also marched in about 70 cities in the Mexican Republic. According to Prensa Libre Chiapas, about 3,000 health workers mobilized along with civil society organized in the neighbourhoods. “What we are asking for is 100% supply of medicines in all medical units as this is a problem that the authorities have not solved in four years”, one of the representatives stated in La Jornada. The general secretary of sub-section 03 of the National Union of Health Workers (SNTSA) said that after two weeks on strike they did not have a positive response from the Health chief of the state.

It should be mentioned that investigations into the whereabouts of the 43 students disappeared in September 2014 have made no relevant advances. Recently, the National Institute for Transparency, Access to Information and Data Protection (INAI) ordered the Mexican Army to hand over material that a soldier from the 27th Infantry Battalion recorded the night of the mass disappearance. Although the soldier declared that he took photos and videos of the events and that he submitted them to his superior, the Secretary for National Defence (Sedena) “declared that the information is non-existent”, according to Sin Embargo. Vidulfo Rosales, attorney for the relatives of the 43 students, asserted that the PGR had dismissed a number of officials and begun an investigation against Tomas Zeron, director of the Criminal Investigation Agency. This was pointed out by the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (IGIE) as “distorting reality” as regards the diligences at Rio San Juan, where the “historical truth” -the official government version of the disappearance- was strongly questioned, which claimed that the remains of the students were scattered after they had been incinerated in a garbage dump by the organized crime gang Guerreros Unidos. For his part, Emiliano Navarrete, father of one of the 43, reproached that the government summons them “nothing more than meetings” but “hasn’t done anything” to find their missing children.


Dorset Chiapas Solidarity



January 6, 2016

Ejidatario shot in Tila amid accusations of revival of Peace and Justice paramilitary group

Filed under: Autonomy, Indigenous, Paramilitary, Uncategorized — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 6:27 pm


Ejidatario shot in Tila amid accusations of revival of Peace and Justice paramilitary group



Photo @ La Otra Ejido Tila


Between December 18 and 26, ejidatarios (communal landholders) from Tila, adherents to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, released a number of communiqués updating information about the situation in the area after the announcement of the collapse of the municipal presidency. They denied reports from local media that they attacked the homes of residents of Tila, stating that, “It is completely false as they are used to lying and the residents themselves are witnesses that this never happened.” They also denied that the general secretary of the Ch’ol-Tseltal government intervened in a dialogue for social peace “because there was no violence and, even less, confrontation.” They noted that “There is no group of ejidatarios with Molotov cocktails and neither were there threats from any group and it is regrettable to have an authority without legality that wants to confuse the population with lies and deceits.”

 On another note, they complained that on December 20 the current chief of the municipal police of Tila started filming the ejidatarios while they were carrying out cleaning work, provoking unrest “and the people began to gather and this was when he fled by taxi,” but when he was reached “he took out his pistol” and shot a landholder, who is still recovering, in the stomach. The indigenous and peasant farmer Ch’ol women who organized in defence of social property produced their own communiqué in which they implied that the said chief of the municipal police “takes his orders from the town hall, the same that has reactivated masked and armed paramilitaries who patrol at set times of the night intimidating the ejidatario authorities, women and men who struggle and resist.”

Likewise, they accused the lord mayor of reviving the paramilitary group Development, Peace and Justice (Peace and Justice) along with a number of people from the area of Tila, where, between 1995 and 2000, Peace and Justice were responsible for 86 executions (79 men and seven women), 37 forced disappearances (32 men and five women), and the forced displacement of over 4,000 people.




November 9, 2015

The Body of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fontes of Ayotzinapa has been Exhumed.

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 2:43 pm


The Body of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fontes of Ayotzinapa has been Exhumed.


“We have opened the earth
To find your body
We have reopened the wound
To fight for justice
We have splintered memories
To find hope.”

Mexico City, November 8 2015.- On November 4, the body of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fontes was exhumed; student at the normal school of Ayotzinapa, he was extrajudicially executed on the night of July 26, 2014 in Iguala, Guerrero. In the morning of November 4, the Face of Julio Collective issued the following statement:

  • The exhumation of the remains of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fontes was not an initiative of the Attorney General of the Republic (PGR) nor of any other official body; it is an achievement of the struggle by the Mondragon family and all thosewho have supported us.
  • The autopsy of Julio’s body will be carried out by 7 members of the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team, in whom we have full confidence.
  • Almost 30 investigators and public officials will also participate in the exhumation. We demand that no organizations of State power interfere with or block the work of the EAAF.

San Miguel Tecomatlan, the state of Mexico, November 8, 2015.- The body of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fuentes, student of the Rural Normal School Raul Isidro Burgos, in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero was exhumed. Julio Cesar Mondragon Fuentes was tortured and extrajudicially executed on September 26, 2014. To date it is unknown who killed him and why he was the victim of such cruelty.

The body of Julio Cesar was found by soldiers on September 27, 2014. They were the ones who advised the Prosecutor’s Office in Iguala, Guerrero, and they were also present to observe the raising of the cadaver. The autopsy carried out in Iguala was performed unprofessionally and without any rigor; it concluded that Julio’s face had been removed by local wild life. The authorities of the state of Guerrero paid no attention to the clear signs of torture present on the body.

It is clear that the investigation carried out by the Prosecutor’s Office of Guerrero was replete with errors, omissions and faults, all of which have been documented by the Independent Group of Experts of the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights (GIEI).

The authorities at all three levels of government have failed to properly investigate the events of September 26 and 27th in Iguala. The authorities have only been forced to act by the families of the victims and the citizens who have supported us. If there have been advances, gratitude is not owed to the authorities but to the organized displays of solidarity by citizens. This is the context in which the remains of Julio are to be exhumed. We state clearly: this is not an initiative of the Attorney General of the Republic nor of any other official body, but of the family of Julio, and the citizens who have accompanied us in over a year of struggle.

We began the struggle for justice immediately following the tragedy, but beginning in March of 2015, we initiated an uncompromising legal struggle to clarify what happened to Julio and to determine who was responsible. The legal aspect of the struggle has constantly come up against obstacles and setbacks. In March there was a strike by the employees of the Judiciary of Guerrero. The strike lasted for two months, during which time none of the proceedings could advance.

In May of 2015, after overcoming several bureaucratic hurdles, the legal representation of the Mondragon family obtained a copy of the case documents. Therein was to be found the story that Julio’s face had been devoured by “local wildlife”. On February 26, the PGR announced with great fanfare the detention of the suspected murderer of Julio, a lone assassin. This was an attempt to sweep the matter under the rug, to create the public impression that the matter had been solved.

However, the presumed assassin was exonerated of the charges one month later. The deficiencies of the investigation are documented in the observations of the Independent Group of Experts of the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights.

On August 27, 2015, a formal request was made to exhume the remains of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fontes. The decision was painful and difficult, but necessary to uncover the truth. With this goal in mind, and from that moment on, dozens of proceedings have been initiated in the cities of Iguala, Toluca, Tecomatlan and in the Federal District. Here again the law has not been swift or judicious. The entire process has been marked by a common denominator of delays, indolence and inaction by the members of law enforcement, who are responsible for the incoherent investigation.
Things are so bad that it was not until mid-September that a date was finally set for the exhumation: it was scheduled for September 30. It did not take place. On September 23 the authorities of the state of Mexico, where Julio Cesar’s remains lie, solicited that the exhumation be delayed because the multiple case proceedings required several notifications be issued and these could not been carried out in the time required. In addition to victimizing the family once again, this delay resulted in additional economic costs for the international experts, who were forced to change their travel arrangements for their trip to Mexico.

Finally in October the current District Attorney publicly announced the date for exhumation. We were not consulted to determine if we wanted the date to be announced publicly. We were not consulted even though this process is very painful.

The exhumation will be carried out by the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team (EAAF), which have been legally named as the auxiliary investigators of the Julio Cesar Mondragon Flores family. The members of the GIEI will participate as observers. In both we place our trust for these proceedings.

The PGR will provide the installations of the General Administration of Investigative Services for the realization of the required examinations; their team of investigators will also be made available. In total there was 22 investigators participating in the exhumation, of which only 7 belong to the EAAF.

Other institutions will participate directly or indirectly in the exhumation, among them investigators and officials of the PGR, the National Commission on Human Rights (CNDH), the State Commission on Human Rights of the state of Mexico, the Executive Commission for Attention to Victims (CEAV), the Judiciary of the state of Guerrero, the Judiciary of the state of Mexico, and the Government of the Federal District.

First and foremost we state that we will not allow interference with the work of the EAAF and we will immediately denounce any obstacles or poor management by the Mexican State. We demand that the State keep the results of the investigation confidential. Once we know the results of the investigation we will decide how to proceed. We wish to publicly express our appreciation for all of the organizations, collectives, journalists, activists and citizens of the whole world who have shown support for this struggle.

Without these valuable people the case of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fontes would have been forgotten. In our grief and struggle, we wish to embrace all of you. In particular, we embrace the families of the 43, and of those who were fallen on that tragic night, and to the wounded and to their families. Your pain is ours, and your struggle too.

Today the biography of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fontes will be published. It has been written on the basis of the testimonials of his family, friends and mates. We want society to know the kind of person Julio was; we wish to cleanse his name of all the slander lately brought against him.

We say once again that Julio was not the young man whose face was removed. He was a student at a normal school, a tireless worker, a loving husband, a dedicated father, a happy son, a strong nephew, a rebel friend, a bright grandson, and a true brother.

The Family of Julio Cesar Mondragon Fontes
The Collective Face of Julio
‪#‎JulioSoyTuRostro ‪#‎Ayotzinapa ‪#‎JulioCesarMondragon



October 17, 2015

Paint remover: Mexico activists attempt to drone out beleaguered president

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 12:00 pm


Paint remover: Mexico activists attempt to drone out beleaguered president

The Rexiste collective, a Mexican anti-government movement, is using a graffiti-spraying drone to challenge the state over the disappearance of 43 students


Droncita, billed as Mexico’s first graffiti drone, prepares to deface a picture of the country’s embattled president, Enrique Peña Nieto. Photograph: Droncita Rexiste

Droncita, billed as Mexico’s first graffiti drone, prepares to deface a picture of the country’s embattled president, Enrique Peña Nieto. Photograph: Droncita Rexiste


Although opponents of Enrique Peña Nieto are lacking in neither number nor novel protest strategies, his latest critic has her own special way of expressing disdain for Mexico’s embattled president.

Rather than taking to the streets, she hovers over them; rather than bellowing her grievances, she levels a canister of spray-paint at a portrait of Peña Nieto and disgorges its contents until his head is lost in a blood-red blur.

 One of the collective’s works adapts a quote from Antoine de Saint-Exupéry’s The Little Prince to highlight the disappearance of the 43 students who vanished last year. It reads: ‘One day I saw the sun set 43 times’. Photograph: Rexiste

One of the collective’s works adapts a quote from Antoine de Saint-Exupéry’s The Little Prince to highlight the disappearance of the 43 students who vanished last year. It reads: ‘One day I saw the sun set 43 times’. Photograph: Rexiste

Billed as Mexico’s first graffiti-artist drone, Droncita (Dronette) is the newest recruit to the protest movement that erupted in the country after Peña Nieto was elected in 2012, and which has swelled in the wake of the unsolved disappearance last year of 43 students from the Ayotzinapa teacher training college.

The case has become a symbol of the culture of narco-violence, corruption and impunity in a country where, according to the UN, more than 150,000 people were killed between December 2006 and August this year. At least 26,000 people are also estimated to have gone missing since 2007 – many as a result of enforced disappearances.

Droncita’s comrades in the Rexiste collective introduced their “little sister” to the world at the end of September via a YouTube video.

In it, footage of Droncita spraying over the presidential countenance is accompanied by a voiceover in which she addresses both Mexico and its leader, accusing the state and the security forces of involvement in the students’ disappearance.

“This isn’t the country you dreamed of,” she says. “But you already know that. Ayotzinapa was only the beginning of our story – and of his end. You tried to order the truth into its barracks. You tried to fool us. It’s time to change everything.”

Rexiste – whose name is a shunting of the Spanish words for resist and exist – emerged from the #YoSoy132 student movement that sprang up to oppose Peña Nieto’s candidacy and to denounce the broadcasting giant Televisa for trying to “impose” him on the country through biased coverage.

Until the arrival of Droncita, the collective was best known for delivering a very public verdict on Ayotzinapa by daubing Mexico City’s huge central square, the Zócalo, with 30 litres of paint and three enormous, unambiguous words: “Fue el estado” (“It was the state”).


 Rexiste is best known for daubing Mexico City’s main square, the Zócalo, with the words ‘It was the state’ – an accusation that the government was complicit in the disappearance of 43 students. Photograph: Eduardo Velasco Vasquez/Rexiste

Rexiste is best known for daubing Mexico City’s main square, the Zócalo, with the words ‘It was the state’ – an accusation that the government was complicit in the disappearance of 43 students. Photograph: Eduardo Velasco Vasquez/Rexiste


Despite a fondness for slogans, Rexiste is less keen to label itself. “We’re not a collective of artists or activists,” says the collective, which, naturally, does not possess a spokesperson. “We operate in the public space, we hack political discourse and we do what we do because it’s part of our everyday lives. We exist because we resist.”

Its weapons in the fight against a “military dictatorship that grows amid international silence” are humour, ridicule, art – and now a flying robot.

“Droncita was only born a couple of weeks ago but she’s already deeply loved and her videos have been shared across social networks,” says the collective. “The impact’s been surprising and we think it reflects the need to renew the ways in which we get involved in the public debate; protests and marches are necessary but they are not enough.”

 Rexiste also looks beyond Mexico’s borders. This stencil-sticker was left on the Israeli embassy in Mexico to commemorate the Palestinians killed during an Israeli attack. Photograph: Rexiste

Rexiste also looks beyond Mexico’s borders. This stencil-sticker was left on the Israeli embassy in Mexico to commemorate the Palestinians killed during an Israeli attack. Photograph: Rexiste

Rexiste hope to use Droncita to write graffiti and are raising funds to pay for the research and development. Once they’ve figured out how to do it, they plan to share the hardware and software plans so that anyone can build their own version of Droncita.

In the meantime, their “little sister” has helped them open up a new front in the struggle against the state.

“Droncita has come from the future to remind us that we can change everything,” says Rexiste. “She gives us another perspective and allows us to see ourselves as we are even if we can’t see it: as big and as organised. The aim is to defend life and dignity. It’s a fight against authoritarianism.”

The Mexican government has rejected criticism of its handling of the Ayotzinapa case, noting that 111 people have been arrested in connection with the disappearances, insisting it is fully committed to finding “the truth in this case,[and] to block[ing] impunity, corruption and crime”, and pointing out that it requested technical assistance from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR).

The government has said it believes the students were killed after a drug gang working with corrupt local police officers mistook them for members of a rival gang. But the panel of independent experts assembled by the IACHR rejected that version of events last month, citing scientific inconsistencies and doubts over evidence, and raising the possibility that state security forces – including the army – may have been involved.

This stencil plays on the Spanish word urna, which means both ballot box and funeral urn. According to Rexiste, ‘Death is all that’s represented in this country’s ballot boxes.’ Photograph: Rexiste

This stencil plays on the Spanish word urna, which means both ballot box and funeral urn. According to Rexiste, ‘Death is all that’s represented in this country’s ballot boxes.’ Photograph: Rexiste

The Mexican army has denied the allegations but refused to allow the experts to question troops.

At the end of a visit to Mexico last week, a senior UN official painted a desperate picture of the country’s justice system and civil society, noting that 98% of all criminal cases were unsolved. “No one in Mexico can feel safe,” said the UN high commissioner for human rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al-Hussein. “They’re not enjoying the protection of the law.”

Zeid said he had urged the Mexican authorities – including the president – to heed the findings and recommendations of the IACHR.

“I don’t think that Mexico, or we in the human rights community, can really rest until we find out what happened to [the students],” he said, “and until there is justice and accountability for whatever may have happened to them.”



October 14, 2015

Mexican Gov’t Failed to Mention a 6th Bus in Ayotzinapa Tragedy

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:44 pm


Mexican Gov’t Failed to Mention a 6th Bus in Ayotzinapa Tragedy

Mexican security forces have been accused of the systematic practice of torture and disappearances. | Photo: AFP

Mexican security forces have been accused of the systematic practice of torture and disappearances. | Photo: AFP

The human rights commission said they are investigating the existence of yet another bus in the case of the disappeared 43 students.

After news of a fifth bus created controversy and further suspicion of a government cover-up, Mexico’s human rights commission has now mentioned the existence of a sixth bus on the tragic night of Sept. 26, 2014, when police went on a violent rampage to prevent buses from leaving Iguala, killing six people and forcibly disappearing 43 students from the Ayotzinapa teacher training college, whose fate is yet to be known.

The head of the CNDH human rights commission, Luis Raul Gonzalez, said they are developing a new line of investigation that involves a sixth bus. However, he gave no further details as to who was on board this bus or what happened to it.

The statement comes after experts from the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights revealed the existence of a fifth bus. They also exposed a drug element, which they said would explain the violent nature of the attack on students and others more than a year ago in Iguala, a city in the southern state of Guerrero.

The international experts explained that while the fifth bus had been detained by federal police, its existence was erased from all attorney general’s office files, which prompted investigators to ask the Mexican government to inquire into whether the bus was transporting drugs.

“The Interdisciplinary Group of Expert Investigators (GIEI of the IACHR) speaks of five buses. We are speaking of six buses,” Gonzalez said. “We are developing this new line of investigation and we have advanced a lot.”

Gonzalez’s statements came after he met with the Mexican Senate Human Rights Committee to discuss the Ayotzinapa case, as well as the situation of jail supervision in the country.

The ombudsman told senators that the CNDH had asked the office of the attorney general to expand its interrogations to army personnel and other police officers. However, the government and the Ministry of Defence rejected the idea of soldiers being questioned regarding Ayotzinapa.



October 10, 2015

Actions for the one-year anniversary of the Ayotzinapa disappearances

Filed under: Acteal, Zapatistas — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 1:36 pm


Actions for the one-year anniversary of the Ayotzinapa disappearances


Zapatistas for Ayotzinapa @ Koman Ilel

Zapatistas for Ayotzinapa @ Koman Ilel


On 26 September a year passed since the 43 students from the Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers College in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, were forcibly disappeared. In different states and abroad, actions and mobilizations were held to demand clarification for what happened to the youth as well as those killed and injured on the tragic night of 26-27 September 2014.

For its part, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) announced in a communique entitled “For pain, rage, truth, justice” that “on that day 26 September, thousands of Zapatistas, children, youth, women, men, others, elders, and the living and the dead will mobilize ourselves in our territories to embrace all those persons who have been affected by sorrow and rage due to the prisons, disappearances, and death imposed by those from above. We will embrace them also because thus we also embrace ourselves as Zapatistas. In this way we call on all honest and upright persons on Earth to do the same, according to your calendars and geographies, and in accordance with your times and means. While at the same time they seek to placate us with lies and insults using lack of truth and justice, humanity will continue to be nothing more than a grotesque face in the history of the Earth.”

Beyond this, the Las Abejas Civil Society of Acteal dedicated some words to the disappeared in a public communique, declaring that “we wish to be in the hearts of the parents of the young students; we wish to be in the heart of Ayotzinapa. We wish to be in the heart, the dream, the soul, the struggle, the memory, and the hope of the 43 disappeared, as well as the 3 murdered and the other comrade who remains in a coma. We also wish to be I the heart, dreams, memory, and hope of the thousands of disappeared throughout Mexico. We wish to be in the heart, dream, memory, and hope of the comrade women who have been victimized by femicides […]. But we do not wish to have a simulated justice, that justice full of corruption and hypocrisy, as the Federal Attorney General’s Office (PGR) sought to sell to the parents of the 43 from Ayotzinapa and to the people of Mexico. Instead, what we wish for is a justice that would be as we always have stressed it must be: truthful, dignified, righteous, lasting, healthy, and human. This is what we call ‘The Other Justice.’ And this Other Justice we must develop ourselves from below, the women and women of good conscience […]. Ayotzinapa is a crime of State, and it must remain within the consciousness of the three levels of government in Mexico. As people of Mexico meanwhile we will walk and strive for the Other Justice, against this crime against humanity that targeted young students who had a dream of educating themselves to become educators in their communities. We will tell this to our children, our youth, so that it becomes living history.”

Beyond this, several people protested in the state in at least 40 municipalities, by carrying out marches, roadblocks, and cultural festivals.



October 9, 2015

UN: Over 150,000 People Murdered in Mexico since December 2006

Filed under: Human rights — Tags: , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 6:25 pm


UN: Over 150,000 People Murdered in Mexico since December 2006


The U.N.’s human rights commissioner said Mexico has a 98 percent impunity rate, while most crimes aren’t even investigated.

More than 151,230 have been murdered in Mexico since December 2006, a figure that includes thousands of Central American migrants making the dangerous trek through the country toward the United States, denounced the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al-Hussein.

The U.N. official met on Wednesday with President Enrique Peña Nieto, after which he delivered a press conference, noting that in Mexico there is a 98 percent rate of impunity, that most cases remain unresolved, and that many more are not investigated.

“Impunity in Mexico is a generalized practice,” he reiterated, while saying there is an urgent need in Mexico to protect women, who are being killed and sexually abused in the thousands.

He also highlighted the grim fact that in Mexico it is very dangerous to be a journalist or a human rights defender.

“I urgently call on authorities in Mexico to offer more and improved protection to human rights defenders, to those who are journalists, and to those who have suffered a terrible series of murders, threats, beatings and other forms of intimidation,” he said.

Al-Hussein also asked the Mexican government to strengthen prosecutors’ offices at all levels and the functions of all security forces, to make sure that all human rights violations be investigated.

The human rights defender particularly asked Mexican authorities to adopt a chronogram for the removal of armed forces from all public safety functions and operations.

There is a “strong convergence of eyes” on Mexico due to the seriously poor situation of human rights, he said, referring to the strong criticism that has surfaced against the Latin American country.

Regarding Ayotzinapa, Al Hussein said Mexican authorities should allow international investigators to interview soldiers who may have witnessed the abduction and apparent massacre of 43 trainee teachers last year; an idea the Mexican Ministry of Defence had strongly rejected.

The enforced disappearance of the Ayotzinapa students in Iguala, in the southern state of Guerrero, and subsequent investigation into the attack, has prompted very harsh criticism of the government of President Enrique Peña Nieto for its inability to solve the case.

Al-Hussein suggested that Mexico’s top military brass should allow a panel of experts from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to interview soldiers.

“It is important that the government acts decisively on the recommendations of the (IACHR panel), including its insistence that authorities reverse their decision to not allow the experts to interview members of the 27th Battalion,” said Al-Hussein.

On Monday, however, Mexican Defence Minister Salvador Cienfuegos said he would not permit the panel to interrogate his troops, and rejected any suggestion they may have been involved.

A panel of international investigators last month rejected official accounts, pointing to suspicions of forced confessions and possible collusion by federal and state security forces, including the military.

This content was originally published by teleSUR at the following address:



October 2, 2015

Members of the National Indigenous Congress in Solidarity with Ayotzinapa

Filed under: CNI, La Sexta — Tags: , , , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 3:44 pm


Members of the National Indigenous Congress in Solidarity with Ayotzinapa

By Daniel Camacho

By Daniel Camacho

Chiapas Mexico, September 27, 2015

“With all respect and if you permit us, we want to be in the heart of the young normalistas’ parents, we want to be in the Heart of Ayotzinapa,” expressed members of the Civil Society Organization Las Abejas, members of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI, its initials in Spanish), in a September 26 comunicado, on the one-year anniversary of the enforced disappearance of the teachers college students in Iguala, Guerrero.

“We want to be in the heart, in the dream, in the soul, in the struggle and in the memory and hope of the 43 disappeared, the 3 murdered and the one other compañero who is in a coma. And we also want to be in the heart, in the dreams, in the memory and hope of the thousands of disappeared in all of Mexico,” the Indigenous Tsotsiles added. They held a day of prayer in solidarity with the disappeared students. “We began in the ceremonial centre of the Acteal martyrs by presenting the photographs of the disappeared students,” they shared.

“The Other Justice always has to be Memory and Not Oblivion,” the adherents to the Sixth stated. At the same time they pointed out that: “the intellectual authors of the crime against the normalistas are: José Luis Abarca, the former Iguala mayor; Angel Aguirre Rivero, ex Governor of Guerrero; Enrique Peña Nieto, president of Mexico; the Mexican Army and the Iguala Municipal Police.” “Ayotzinapa is the continuation of the rage, of the Hydra’s fire,” they abounded.

For its part the Autonomous Council of the Chiapas Coast, also a CNI member, mobilized in solidarity with Ayotzinapa, through a march in Pijijiapan, Chiapas, together with the teachers’ movement and social organizations in solidarity. At the end of the march, during the meeting in the coastal community’s central park, the different speakers demanded: “the presentation alive of the 43 normalistas as well as the fulfilment of the eight demands presented to Peña Nieto by the families of the 43 disappeared”

CNI communities of Chiapas, like the Tila Ejido, Candelaria el Alto, Cruztón, San Francisco Teopisca and adherents to the Sixth headed to Mexico City, in order to participate in the march for the one-year anniversary of the enforced disappearance of the normalistas of Guerrero.

Meanwhile, the San Sebastián Bachajón Ejido of Chilón, Chiapas, also a CNI member, stated in a comunicado all its “scorn and rage at the narco-government, for all the suffering and pain that it generates for the families of the 43 disappeared compañeros and for the entire world.” In the same vein the Indigenous Tseltales expressed that on the one-year anniversary of the students’ disappearance: “together and united we will construct a new path and we need to continue adding to our struggle to construct a new world and spaces of freedom.”

In Mexico City contingents of the National Indigenous Congress from different parts of the country, adherents to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle and members of the Network against Repression and for Solidarity, marched together with family members of the Ayotzinapa students and diverse sectors of society in solidarity.

Adherents and sympathizers of the Sixth also demonstrated in San Cristóbal de las Casas “To make the Ayotzinapa 43 present.” The displays of solidarity take place in the context of the mobilizations at the national and international level, demanding that the students are presented alive.


Las Abejas de Acteal en solidaridad con Ayotzinapa 26sep2015

Consejo Autónomo Regional de la Zona Costa de Chiapas

San Sebastián Bachajón


Translators’ Note: What seems important here, in addition to the solidarity with Ayotzinapa, is that indigenous communities in Chiapas adhered to the Sixth Declaration appear to be consolidated through membership in the National Indigenous Congress. This is not the first indication of consolidation; however, it’s important to understand in light of the EZLN’s emphasis on “getting organized.”

Originally Published by Pozol Colectivo

Translation: Chiapas Support Committee

September 28, 2015



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