dorset chiapas solidarity

September 1, 2014

2nd Declaration of the CNI-EZLN Exchange: on the Dispossession of our Peoples

Filed under: Corporations, Displacement, Indigenous, Maize, Mining, water, Zapatista — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 8:08 pm

CNI-EZLN: Mirrors of Resistance

AUGUST, 2014

2nd DECLARATION OF THE CNI-EZLN EXCHANGE: ON THE DISPOSSESSION OF OUR PEOPLES

 

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“The earth is that from which we were born, that gave us life, and in which we will rest eternally. That is why we are all the colours that we are, all of the languages that our hearts speak; that is why we are peoples, tribes, and nations. We are the guardians of these lands, of this country Mexico, of this continent and of the world.”
(EZLN, August 2014)

To the National and International Sixth:

To the peoples of the world who resist, giving bloom to rebellions:

The dispossession that we have faced as indigenous people is the pain that unites us in the spirit of struggle that we commemorate today in honour of our compañero David Ruíz García, who passed away while sharing the pain of the brothers and sisters from the Zapatista Army for National Liberation after the murder of compañero Galeano. We become one in our history and in our hopes.

The death of the compañero, who is today collectively reborn among the 28 peoples, colours, and languages that are gathered in the Zapatista Caracol of La Realidad, inspires us as original peoples to share the happiness of encountering each other; of knowing each other to be as alive as are our peoples, our languages, our collective history that becomes our memory, our resistance, and our accountability to mother earth, who also lives and to whom we are indebted.

10628328_695870000498559_8448727553443450934_nThe struggle that we collectively represent is diverse, and we name our enemy dispossession because that is what we see, live, and die every day—an experience as collective as the corn, as our compañero Galeano, as our compañero David, and as our brothers and sisters whose lives have been taken in this war of extermination.

This dispossession is so diverse that it can only be called by one name: capitalism.

From the beginning, capitalism has grown through DISPOSSESSION and EXPLOITATION. PLUNDER and INVASION are the words that best describe the so-called conquest of America—plunder and theft of our territories, of our knowledges, of our culture. DISPOSSESSION, accompanied by wars, massacres, imprisonment, death upon death; these create a life in common because here we are as the peoples that we are, that we continue to be.

After the War of Independence, the emergence of the new nation, and the liberal reforms and dictatorship of Díaz, Mexico was born in denial of our peoples, through constitutions and laws that privatized our lands and sought to legitimize the looting of our territories. Thousands of our brothers and dozens of our peoples were exterminated and exiled en masse through military campaigns.

In spite of a million deaths of indigenous people and peasants during the revolution, the agrarian laws that appeared afterward were inspired by Venustiano Carranza and Álvaro Obregón—the ones who assassinated Emiliano Zapata—with the goal of protecting the large land owners, preventing the return of the people’s communal lands, water, and air, and converting communal property into ejidos. That is to say, they have wanted to kill us off time and time again as peoples and as individuals. Yet through all of this death, we continue on as living and collective peoples.

We have responded to our dispossession and extermination with rebellion and resistance. Hundreds of rebellions in Baja California, Sonora, Chihuahua, Nayarit, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Michoacán, Querétaro, Veracruz, the State of Mexico, San Luis Potosí, Hidalgo, Morelos, Puebla, Guerrero, Oaxaca, Chiapas, Yucatán, Campeche, and Quintana Roo, and notably, the Zapatista revolution, defied colonial society. All of these took place after the liberal reforms, giving rise to the armed movement of 1910 and the armed defence of communal lands up until the era of the agrarian reforms and Cardenista oil expropriation.

Currently, the neoliberal capitalists, with the assistance of all of the political parties and bad governments led by the criminal paramilitary boss Enrique Peña Nieto, are applying the same policies of large-scale dispossession applied by the nineteenth-century liberals—the Carranzas, the Obregones—propped up by militarization and paramilitarization and advised by U.S. intelligence in areas where there is resistance to the dispossession.

31474_676283002386603_906510568_nJust like the governments of that era, the current governments are giving our territories and the resources that belong to the Nation to large national and foreign corporations, seeking the death of all the peoples of Mexico and of our Mother Earth. But death among our people means collective rebirth.

We reiterate that our roots are in the land, and that the dispossession that we discussed in the Seminar Tata Juan Chávez Alonso in August 2013 is our pain and our rage; it is where our determination and rebellion are born. It is our unceasing and unfailing struggle and our very lives. These dispossessions continue in force today just as before, and have multiplied into new forms and onto new corners where new struggles and resistances are born that are reflected in the mirror that we are.

Mirror 1: On the Nahua coast in the state of Michoacán, the drive to extract natural riches has been the reason, since 2009, for the murder of 31 people and the disappearance of 5 at the hands of the Caballeros Templarios [Knights Templar, a drug cartel]. They rely on corruption within the structure of the bad government, which has provided cover for the plunder of the communal lands by small proprietors who are in turn the regional heads of organized crime, and for the illegal extraction of minerals and precious wood to be exported by Chinese transnational corporations from the Manzanillo and Lázaro Cárdenas ports, which are administered by the bad government. This corruption has left a wave of mourning, pain, and brutality for the community Ostula, which has strengthened itself with a growing rebellion that has allowed them to maintain security and detain the extraction of their resources. All of this while the bad governments threaten unceasingly to dismantle the indigenous people’s right to defend themselves by imprisoning or murdering their community leaders—a warning of more destruction to come.

Mirror 2: The Nahua and Totonaco territories in Totonacapan, Veracruz, have been destroyed by electric power plants, the release of flared gas, and toxic spills from damaged pipelines that have devastated the region’s water sources. All of this is part of the Proyecto Paleocanal de Chicontepec, now known as Tertiary Gulf Oil, where 29 oil fields are being exploited in an area of 3,875 square kilometres, with 1,500 oil wells across 14 municipalities in the region, destroying rivers and streams through hundreds of spills originating from 2,220 well overhauls that were made up until the year 2010. Currently there is a threat of 33,000 more well overhauls according to the National Commission of Hydrocarbons. Fracturing has been carried out through the detonation of dynamite, and hydraulic fracturing (fracking) in 1,737 wells in the entire zone. In that same area numerous mining concessions have been granted that put at risk the integrity of the territory.

Mirror 3: The Wixárika people, despite the fact that they encompass parts of the states of Jalisco, Nayarit, and Durango, have maintained their continuous territory and their autonomous organization is strong and ancestral. Today they face an onslaught on simultaneous fronts: past agrarian invasions which, despite restitution having been ordered in favour of the community San Sebastián Teponahuaxtlán, continue without enforcement of restitution due to blurry delimitations between states. Their territory has been subjected to the imposition of highways whose objective is the plunder of the region’s natural resources, as has been the case of the community of Santa Catarina Cuexcomatitlán, which since 2008 has mobilized large protests to halt the imposition of the Amatitán-Bolaños-Huejuquilla Highway. Currently the government of the state of Jalisco refuses to repair the damages caused to their forests, communal roads, and sacred sites, despite the fact that the community obtained legal rulings in its favour.

10665877_820378971315634_5511521278072269713_nIn the state of Durango, the Autonomous Wixárika Community of Bacos de San Hipólito continues their long struggle for recognition of their ancestral lands, exercising autonomy as their only option for their continuing existence as indigenous peoples.

For our peoples, territory is not only agricultural but also ceremonial. The principal sacred site of the Wixárika people is found in the Wirikuta desert in San Luis Potosí, which, in addition to being threatened by 5 mining corporations who have in their possession over 78 concessions, is currently undergoing the unauthorized extraction of antimony, uranium, gold, and silver in the zones of San José de Coronados and Presa Santa Gertrudis, in the Municipalities of Catorce and Charcas.

Mirror 4: In the Municipality of Villa Guerrero in Jalisco, the Autonomous Community Wixarika-Tepehuana de San Lorenzo de Azqultán, in spite of holding a viceregal title since the year 1773, have not received recognition for their own territory. On the contrary, the land that has always belonged to them has now been put at the mercy of the caciques [land bosses] and governments. The forest is being cut down, the territory invaded, and their sacred sites destroyed, such as in Cerro Colotlán where the bad government has given the landowners endorsement and money to carve up ceremonial stones for use as stone barriers supposedly to protect the soil. This is not only dispossession, but genocide.

Mirror 5: In the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, where the Ikoots and Binniza people of the communities of San Mateo del Mar and San Dionisio del Mar live, as well as the people of Juchitán and the inhabitants of the barrio Álvaro Obregón, the firms Endesa, Iberdrola, Gamesa y Unión Fenosa Gas Natural Fenosa, Demex (a subsidiary or Renovalia Energy), Eclectricte de France (EDF), Eolicas del Sur, Zapotecas de Energía, Grupo Mar, Preneal, and Ener green Power are plundering communal lands and destroying sacred sites throughout the region. They have illegally occupied more than 32,000 hectares and installed 1,600 wind turbines since 2001 on top of communal lands in Juchitan and Unión Hidalgo for the Biiyoxo and Piedra Larga II and II wind farms. Currently, the collective assembly of Unión Hidalgo is opposing the expansion of these parks to the communal lands of Palmar and El Llano, protected mangrove areas in the south of the Binizaa communities. This is territory defended by our compañeros from the Popular Assembly of the Juchiteco People and the Isthmus of Tehuantepéc Assembly of Indigenous Peoples in Defense of Land and Territory (APIITDTT).

In the same area of the Isthmus, Oaxaca’s region of San Miguel Chimalapas and Santo Domingo Zanatepec was invaded by three mining concessions granted to the Cruz Azul Cooperative for the mining lot they refer to as El Chincuyal, to Cascabel Mining for the mining lot called Mar de Cobre, and to Zalamera Mining for the mining lot called Jackita, a subsidiary of the Orum Gold Mining Corporation—whose reach stretches across 7,310 hectares of our peoples’ lands. The invasion is being carried out by the government of the state of Chiapas, rich cattle ranchers, and the Mexican Army.

To the north of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, in the south of Veracruz, the Nahua Popoluca territory in the Sierra de Santa Martha is under threat from a mining project that stretches across three concessions called La Morelense 1, La Morelense 2, and La Ampliación. The project puts the environment and the integrity of this indigenous area at great risk.

Mirror 6: In the ñatho communities of San Francisco Xochicuautla and Huitzizilpan, as well as in a wide strip of land called Alto Lerma in the State of Mexico, a private road project called Toluca-Naucalpan is being imposed by the Autovan corporation. It will affect a total of 23 kilometres of forest, in addition to the construction of thousands of homes and golf courses as part of the project called Gran Reserva Santa Fe. This territory is defended by our brothers from the Indigenous Peoples Front in Defence of Mother Earth.

Mirror 7: In the Nahua community of Tuxpan, Jalisco, under pressure by the bad governments and national and international investors, the indigenous people have had to lease out ejidal lands to transnational avocado companies headquartered in Michoacán. These communities are being dispossessed by foreign greenhouses such as Driscolt and Aguacates Los Tarascos, who are engaging in weather modification schemes that prevent rain.

Mirror 8: The coca community of Mezcala, Jalisco, continues suffering and defending their territory against the businessman Guillermo Moreno Ibarra, who has invaded and kept a plot in the community’s forest region. The community is preserving its possession and ancestral property over the sacred island that the bad governments can only see as a million dollar business that they can put up for sale to foreign tourist companies.

Mirror 9: In the territory Chinanteco, in the state of Oaxaca, ecological reserves have been imposed that have snatched territorial control from the peoples while, at the same time, the bad government implements projects of destruction and death, such as the Tuxtepec-Huatulco highway and the Chinanteco touristic corridor.

Mirror 10: In Huexca, Morelos, in the Eastern Nahua region of the state, one of the two thermoelectric plants that make up part of the Morelos Integral Project was constructed in a volcanic activity risk zone. This project is promoted by the Abengoa company and the Federal Electric Commission (CFE) with the support of the three levels of government, the Mexican Army, and the state police. The same project seeks to construct an aqueduct for the extraction of water from the river Cuautla, which will affect 22 ejidos in the Municipality of Ayala.

Mirror 11: In Amilcingo and Jantetelco in Morelos, the eastern Nahua region of the state and in the Nahua region of Valle de Puebla, in the communities San Geronimo Tecuanipan, San Lucas Atzala, San Andres Calpan, Santa María Zacatepec, San Lucas Tulcingo, Santa Isabel Cholula, San Felipe Xonacayucan, Santa Lucia Cosamaluapan, San Isidro Huilotepec, San Buenaventura Nealtican, San Juan Amecac, and in other communal regions of Puebla and Tlaxcala, the Integral Morelos Megaproject intents to construct a 160 kilometre pipeline in an area of volcanic risk. This Project is promoted by the CFE, the Spanish corporations Elecnor and Enagas, and by the Italian corporation Bonatti. Over the last two years, the three levels of government in their respective states have exerted brutal repression on all of these communities.

Mirror 12: In Tepoztlán, Morelos, belonging to the Nahua people, the expansion of the La Pera-Cuautla highway will dispossess the community not only of their lands but of their territory’s biodiversity and ancient culture. Ancient trees and sacred sites that have sat on that land for generations have been destroyed to allow the arrival of private companies and the industrialization of the most resource-rich areas in the state of Morelos. The response of the bad governments was a campaign to discredit the indigenous peoples in order to justify the plunder.

Mirror 13: In the Nahua territory of the community of Ayotitlan, in the Sierra de Manantlán in the state of Jalisco, the extraction of two million tons of iron and precious wood has been carried out with the support of organized crime and via assassinations and disappearances of the community and ejidal members.

Mirror 14: In the Nahua community of Zacualpan, in the state of Colima, over the past few months a businessman by the name of Verduzco, with the complicity of the state government and the Attorney General’s Agrarian office, tried to impose a mine for iron, gold, silver, and manganese in the Cerro Grande, whose forests produce all of the waters that supply Colima and Villa de Alvarez. Also in Cerro Grande, the government is promoting programs supposedly for ecological conservation but which serve as a pretext for the dispossession of the community from its communal waters.

cheranMirror 15: The community of Cherán, Michoacán, on the Purépecha Plateau, has suffered the devastation and the theft of thousands of hectares of forest at the hands of loggers linked to organized crime and with the complicity of the bad government. Violence without precedent has been unleashed against the community members who have exercised their ancestral right to defend their territory within a framework of autonomy and self-determination, constructing their own mode of government through traditional “uses and customs”.

Mirror 16: In the Maya territory of Campeche, dispossession is disguised through the leasing of land in the communities of the Chenes region by groups called Mennonites, to whom the bad government gives money in order to strengthen the plunder of the territories and impose the planting of transgenic soybean crops.

Meanwhile, in the indigenous regions of the so-called Riviera Maya, privatization processes have accelerated on behalf of national and international tourism projects which have destroyed countless sacred sites.

The people of Maya de Bacalar, in the state of Quintana Roo, are suffering the imposition of transgenic soy cultivation which poses great risk to the native seeds, health, and food of the indigenous people. This is done by companies such as Monsanto, Syngenta, and Pioneer with the complicity of the bad governments.

The Maya people of the Yucatan are threatened by various megaprojects, such as the Dzilam de Bravo wind farm, the planting of transgenic corn, the Transpeninsular train project, and real estate development which benefits a handful of businesses and corrupt politicians.

Mirror 17: In the Tzeltal village of Chilón, Chiapas, the construction of the San Cristóbal-Palenque highway is being imposed on the community’s territory.

Mirror 18: The Nahua community of San Pedro Tlanixco, in the State of Mexico, has been stripped of its springs and waters from the Texcaltenco River through concessions benefitting wealthy agro-industrial companies from the Municipality of Villa Guerrero, and has led to the imprisonment of the community leaders.

Mirror 19: In the State of Guerrero, in the Municipalities of Xochistlahuaca, Tlocoachistlahuaca, and Ometepec, hundreds of Amuzga, Mixteca, and Afromestiza communities are threatened by the pipe-laying projects that would send water from the San Pedro River to the City of Ometepec, violating the basic rights that we have as peoples.

Mirror 20: The surrounding areas of the sacred site of Xochicalco in the Nahua community of Xoxocotla in the southwest of Morelos, are threatened by the imposition of a mining project that holds 7 concessions in 3 municipalities that cover an area of 15,000 hectares in Xoxocotla, Temixco, Xochitepec, and Miacatlan in the communities of Tetlama, Alpuyeca, Coatetelco, La Toma, and Xochicalco.

10492013_267980620053519_1953147205312905882_nMirror 21: In the Yaqui territory in the state of Sonora, ambitions over the waters of the Yaqui River has historically motivated aggressions against the tribe. Currently the threat is for the waters to be diverted to the City of Hermosillo via the Independence aqueduct to the detriment of both the Yaqui and hundreds of hectares of the Mayo Yoreme tribe and the farmers of the Valle del Yaqui.

Mirror 22: The Náyari people, in the state of Nayarit, have historically been the guardians of the San Pedro River, home to their sacred site Muxa Tena. Today this site is threatened by the construction of the Las Cruces dam.

Mirror 23: In the state of Sonora, with the construction of the Los Pilares damn, the sacred sites of the Guarijío people will be destroyed.

Mirror 24: Bachajón, Chiapas, a Tzeltal community, is being stripped of its land, water, and culture through the construction of tourist resorts at the waterfalls of Agua Azul, in addition to highways and hotels. This is taking place through paramilitary repression.

Mirror 25: The Ch’ol people of Xpujil, in the state of Campeche, were displaced from their lands by decree for the Calakmul Biosphere Reserve. It was imposed on the community in such a way as to completely restrict their access to the territory.

Mirror 26: In the Nahua and Totonaco territory in the Sierra Norte of Puebla, in the Municipalities of Tlatlaqui, Zacapoxtla, Cuetzalan, Zoquiapan, Xochiapulco y Tetela, Zautla, Ixtacamaxtitlán, Olintla, Aguacatlán, Tepatlán, Xochitlán, Zapotitlán, Zoquiapan and Libres, the capitalist death projects seek to possess every corner of the territory through the extraction of minerals via open air mining and hydroelectric dams. Today, 18% of the territory in Puebla’s Sierra Norte has been conceded to mining companies, as the government has granted 103 concessions to the Mexican companies Gruop Ferrominero, Industrias Peñoles, and Grupo Frisco, as well as to the Canadian company Almaden Minerals. There also exist six hydroelectric projects that affect 12 rivers in an area of 123,000 hectares, distributed across 18 municipalities.

Mirror 27: The territory of the Kumiai people has suffered massive invasions stemming from the lack of recognition, the imposition of ejidos, and the declaration of their lands as national patrimony. Over the last few years, wind projects have been imposed on their lands as well as on the territory of the Kiliwa people.

Mirror 28: The community of Nurío Michoacán on the Purépecha Plateau was stripped of the majority of its territory through resolutions dictated by the Mexican agrarian authorities that provoked conflicts between neighbouring communities resulting in numerous deaths.

Mirror 29: The Bochil, Jitotol, and Pueblo Nuevo communities, of the Tzotzil people of the Chiapas highlands, denounce planned dam projects that threaten this territory.

10570515_754848801245536_2666739421447681711_nThese are the dispossessions that we suffer, that we learn about during emergencies when attempts are made on our lives. And today we say to the powerful, to the corporations, to the bad governments led by the supreme criminal paramilitary boss, Enrique Peña Nieto, that we do not surrender, that we do not sell out, that we do not give up.

Our memory is alive because we ourselves are that memory to which we are indebted. We understand that there is no better memory than that of our peoples, and as we gather now in order to see each other we see that our struggle will not end; if they haven’t killed us off in these last 520 years of resistance and rebellion, they won’t be able to do it now, or ever. We are people of corn; we know that the milpa is collective and its colours are diverse—so diverse that we also want to give ourselves one name: rebellious and anti-capitalist, with the brothers and sisters of the National and International Sixth. Today, like the corn, we renew our decision to construct from below and to the left a world where many worlds fit.

“THE HEART OF OUR MOTHER EARTH LIVES IN THE SPIRIT OF OUR PEOPLES”

ANDIÜMAATS NANGAJ IüT MEAWAN NÜTs KOS NEJ ÜÜCH IKOOTS MONAPAKÜY (LENGUA OMBEAYETS/IKOOT)

NA MA JOIIY RA PUIY Y RA VENI GUI JIINI (OTOMÍ)

LADXIDO GUIDXILAYU NABAANI LU XQUENDA CA GUIDXI XTINU (LENGUA DIIDXAZA/BINNIZA)

I PUJUK’AL LAK´ÑA LUM KUXUL TYI CHULRL LAK LUMALO’ (CHOL)

TE YO TALN TEJ NANATIL LUM CUXUL SOL XCHULEL TEJ LUMALTIC (TZELTAL)

LI YOON JMETIK BALUMILÉ KUXUL XCHULEL TAJ TEKLUMALTIK (TZOTZIL)

JAS J’UJOL JAJ NANTIK LU’UM ZAK’AN JAB’AYALTZIL JAJ CHONA B’LLTIK (TOJOLABAL)

IN YOLOTL TO TLALTICPAC NEMI IEKAUILKOPA TO ALTEPEUAN (NAHUA)

TA TEI YURIENAKA IYARIEYA TAKIEKARIPA YEYEIKA (WIXARIKA)

U KUXTAL K-LÚUMIL TÍAN TI U YÓOL LE KÁAJILO’OB. (MAYA PENINSULAR)

JUCHARI MINTSÏTA P’ARHAKPINIRHU IREKASÏNI TSÏPIKUANIRHU JUCHARI IRETA (LENGUA PURE/P’URHEPECHA)

TU TLAL UI NANA IYULO ISTOK I TUNAL PAN CHINANKOME (NAHUA)

XNAKU KIN TSEKAN TIYAT STAKGNAMA CHI KGALHI LISTAKGNI NAK KIN PULATAMANKAN (TOTONACO)

BI MAMA NAX BI TZOKOY JEJPA NETZANKUYJO BI KOXEN KUMKUYDE KAY JENAN (ZOQUE)

UU JIAPSI Y iiTOM AYEE VUIAPO ITOM JIPSICO JIAPSA ITOM PUEBLOMPO (MAYO YOREME)
NA’ T’SATS´OOM TYUAA MAYA NA’ M´AA NAQUII´ NTAAYA JA NA NNA NCUEE (ÑOMDAA/AMUZGO)

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From the Zapatista La Realidad, August 2014

FOR THE INTEGRAL RECONSTITUTION OF OUR PEOPLES

NEVER AGAIN A MEXICO WITHOUT US!

NATIONAL INDIGENOUS CONGRESS

ZAPATISTA ARMY FOR NATIONAL LIBERATION

 

 

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August 31, 2014

Former students at La Garrucha in Solidarity with the Zapatistas

Filed under: Zapatista — Tags: , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 2:47 pm

 

Former students at La Garrucha in Solidarity with the Zapatistas

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Former students at the escuelita in La Garrucha: Zapatista compas we are here!

To the men, women and children of Caracol III:
Resistance Towards a New Dawn, La Garrucha,
To the Good government junta The way of the future,
To the men and women of the EZLN,
To the sixth,
To the men and women of Mexico and the world who walk and feel below and to the left.

August 2014
Compañeros and compañeras:

We, the undersigned individuals and groups, had the honour of being in the Rebel territory of La Garrucha during the Zapatista escuelita in August 2013. When we set foot on that dignified and rebel territory, we knew from the beginning that nothing would be the same for us, we learned much from you and you shared much with us, it was not only the corn, tortillas, pozol, beans, the house where you welcomed us, the steps, the talks, the laughs and the good times that affected us, it was also the rage and rebellion which today, perhaps more than before, will make us turn to see and feel with the heart when they harass, attack and intimidate the Zapatista children, men and women who were and are our teachers, guardians (votanes), companions and compas.

Quite often, our families talked to us about not being afraid to change things, to take life in our hands, we often received the advice that we should carry on in the best way we can with the struggle to change this world, to make it better. Autonomy and liberty come at a cost – they told us – but in the end the results are there, and so we saw it and lived it.

For 20 years we have walked, we have learned from the Zapatistas, but the Zapatista escuelita was undoubtedly the most profound experience, which means that for us today nothing can be the same.

The paramilitaries, the government programmes, the systematic harassment, the taunts and the murders have always tried, over many years, to crush the rebellion which is made concrete daily in autonomy – our compas told us – “but we are still here” – they said.

Well we are also still here compas, we are here watching, feeling and we will not stop saying that we are watching what the bad government has been doing since votan Galeano was cowardly murdered … but the compa died in order to live.

And he lives in each one of us and we very humbly tell you, that when we say that nothing can be the same for us, it is because every day we look in the mirror and we tell ourselves that we can create something else, other steps can walk with dignity and we have yours as an example.

Today we not only say that we condemn the recent attacks perpetrated by members of ORCAO against our Zapatista compas, today we say that we are feeling these attacks and the only thing we can do is to keep on giving – as they say continue the struggle – we will keep on giving as we can from our spaces of struggle to tell the bad governments that we do not give up, we do not forget, we do not sell out and we keep looking and feeling the rebellion of the Zapatista men, women and children who are seed, walk and path .

That was the lesson that the escuelita left us and as the students we were, we are still here!

You are not alone, you are not alone!
Galeano lives!

In solidarity
Former students of the Zapatista escuelita in the autonomous rebel territory of La Garrucha:

Anaid, México
Carla Peracchi, Barcelona
Claudia I. Espinosa Díaz, México
Iván de Jesús Rodríguez Muñoz, México
Miguel Ángel Martínez Ramírez, México
Yael García, Chiapas, México
Colectivo Les trois passants, Francia

 

 

http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2014/08/30/exalumnos-de-la-garrucha-en-solidaridad-con-los-zapatistas/

 

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August 30, 2014

Why Indigenous Communities Are Opposed to the San Cristóbal-Palenque Motorway

Filed under: Corporations, Displacement — Tags: , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 1:23 pm

 

Why Indigenous Communities Are Opposed to the San Cristóbal-Palenque Motorway

Marie-Pia Rieublanc / Otros Mundos AC/Chiapas,

Originally published in Spanish July 31st, 2014

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In Chiapas, Mexico, there are plans to build a motorway between San Cristóbal de Las Casas and Palenque – two of the most important tourist sites in the state. The Department of Infrastructure and Communications in Chiapas (SinfrayC) has said the road will be “a tool for the development of historically backwards regions of the state, providing them with mechanisms for self-sustainable economic growth”. However, just two days before that statement, 15,000 people marched through ten Chiapan municipalities between San Cristóbal and Palenque to show their opposition to this project, which was initially proposed ten years ago.

The march was organised for July 19th, with the diocese of San Cristóbal inviting communities to march “for peace” and for “the defence of life, mother earth, and local communities”. Women and men of all ages responded by marching from 9am to 2pm in Huixtán, Tenejapa, Oxchuc, Cancuc, Pantelhó (Altos), Altamirano, Ocosingo (Selva), Chilón, Yajalón, and Tumbalá (Tujilá), chanting “it will only benefit companies, not communities” and “it will damage Mother Earth”. [1]

“The road will only pass through our municipalities if people allow it” 

MAPA-autopista-sclc-palenque-2009The project is currently in the hands of the Department of Communication and Transport (SCT), which has hired Mexican engineering consultants ‘Cal y Mayor’ to design the road. The plan is for a 153km-long two-lane road to be built between San Cristóbal and Palenque, along with a 16.3km connecting road to Ocosingo, though exact details have yet to be published. In 2009, the motorway was due to pass through 31 communities in the municipalities of Chilón, Tumbalá, Tila, Salto de Agua (Tujilá), Palenque (región Maya), and Macuspana (Tabasco), but those plans have changed several times. In February 2014, the SCT said it was still looking into a new route as a result of communal opposition to the initial route. Dozens of communities in the municipalities of San Cristóbal de las Casas, Tenejapa, Huixtán, Oxchuc, Ocosingo, Chilón, and Palenque could all now be affected.

“The road will only pass through our municipalities if people allow it to pass through, and for that reason we should not stop fighting”, affirmed one Huixtán resident who participated in the march on July 19th. According to him, the route of the road could affect up to ten communities in his municipality. He hopes, however, that popular resistance will lead to the suspension or cancellation of the project, in spite of the federal government’s commitment to beginning work this year.

To understand the issue in greater depth, it’s necessary to take a closer look at why thousands of Chiapans are opposed to the road passing through their communities:

 

Violation of the Right to Consultation and Lack of Government Communication

Oposición-a-autopistaOne key issue is the lack of government communication and the violation of the right to consultation. As we have seen, the plans for the road are still not clear, and the indigenous people in the region (from Tzotzil, Tseltal, and Chol communities) are committed to asserting their right to free and informed consultation before the government-corporate coalition begins the project. According to Agreement 169 of the International Labour Organization (ILO), which refers to the rights of indigenous and tribal communities, they are entitled to demand that the Mexican government, which is signed up to the agreement, respects this right.

Up to this point, however, indigenous communities have not been involved at all in the process of designing the road. In certain areas, ejidal assemblies have gathered on their own initiative to vote “no” to the road project, but have still seen engineers fly over their territories in helicopters in an attempt to study the feasibility of building on their land. According to one resident of the López Mateo Ejido in Huixtán, this was precisely the case in his community, where an assembly officially rejected the project at the end of 2013.

 

Destruction of the Environment

Communities are also opposed to the road because they believe it will affect their environment, crops, and housing. The building of the road, for example, will require openings to be created in the hills surrounding the route between San Cristóbal and Palenque – land where houses, crops, woods, and springs are found.

According to the most recent SinfryC statements, the motorway will include three bridges – of 400, 450, and 500 metres in height. The two lanes, meanwhile, will be twelve metres wide in total, though a further 60 metres will be a ‘no-go zone’ for local inhabitants, according to a 2009 environmental study carried out by the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (Semarnat). When the study was released, there were employees of the National Commission for Protected Natural Areas (Conanp) who told an Ecoportal journalist that they were personally opposed to the project because of the environmental damage it would cause.

Although the planned route has changed since 2009, Semarnat has yet to publish another study of the predicted environmental impacts.

 

Dispossession and Displacement

rechazamosautopistaOne resident of the Chilil Ejido in Huixtán fears that the houses, lands, and “whatever [the inhabitants] have” will be “invaded” if they happen to be near the route of the new road. As a result of such worries, the Tzotzil inhabitants of Los Llanos (a municipality of San Cristóbal) set up a defence group in January 2014 in order to protect their land, in the hope of preventing the road from being be built there. They said they opposed the megaproject because it “puts [their] food sovereignty at risk and violates their right to land, autonomy, protection of their environment and natural resources, and freedom from discrimination”. They also affirmed that the sinister behaviour of government officials was responsible for their actions. Fidencio Pérez Jiménez, for example, from the council of San Cristóbal, “came here to warn us that the motorway would pass through our common land and that, if we resisted, the authorities in our community would be sent to jail and the Army would come in to set the construction project in motion”.

 

Not for the People

The project will not be free. When it was restarted under President Calderón in 2008 (after being forgotten about for years), it initially looked set to be a toll-road under the control of the Spanish-Mexican company CAS (Concesionaria de Autopistas del Sureste). This firm, owned mostly by the Spanish group Aldesa, has been the owner of the road from San Cristóbal to Tuxtla since 2008, and charges a minimum of 48 pesos (far out of the reach of the majority of inhabitants in the area). According to SinfrayC Secretary Bayardo Robles Riqué, the San Cristóbal-Palenque road will not be a toll-road, even though estimates suggest it will cost around 10,600 million pesos. For precisely this reason, critics do not believe Robles’s claim, asserting that the government will seek to recover its money in some way.

 

It will allow the arrival of extractive companies and the looting of the lands 

Inhabitants of Chiapas also feel that the road will facilitate the arrival of extractivist companies which will plunder their land. The General Secretary of Government, Eduardo Ramírez Aguilar, was interviewed by the Heraldo de Chiapas in January 2014, and laid out clearly the intentions of the government. The main reason for the building of the road, he said, would be to “connect Chiapas”. He insisted that “we cannot bring investment if we don’t have the infrastructure”. Both foreign and national companies ask for “good road links” before investing, he asserted, adding that “in Chiapas we have very few”. And, as these are in a poor state (having been “built more than 30 or 40 years ago”), Ramírez said it’s no wonder they “don’t want to invest in Chiapas”. The road project, he argued, would open up a “horizon of opportunities”, and was therefore worth the “economic… and social investment” of the government.

 

Corporate Profit Is the Driving Force

máquinas-trabajandoPerhaps the most important reason for the opposition of Chiapan communities to the road project, however, is that they will not be the ones who will truly benefit. They will indeed be able to sell more of their handicrafts and crops to tourists at some point in the future, but that will be nothing compared to the profits that big companies will get when they enter into the territory of indigenous communities without problems to profit from their natural resources. Nature will simply become a commodity, and will be commercialised and privatised more and more as the number of eco-tourist or ‘adventure’ projects multiplies. The land and lives of ordinary Chiapan inhabitants, on the other hand, will see themselves threatened.

The San Cristóbal-Palenque motorway will allow companies to build factories a lot more easily and, in Huixtán in particular, residents fear that Coca Cola will set up a plant near to one of their natural springs, threatening their water supply in the process (see video below). Energy megaprojects such as reservoirs and mines, meanwhile, which require large machines and trucks, will benefit immensely from the construction of the new road. The simple fact is that, thanks to the government’s approval of the Energy Reform (which has legalised privatisation of land and resources for supposed ‘public gain’), the road will facilitate a capitalist orgy of extraction of whatever resources are found underground. And that is precisely what many Chiapan communities want to avoid.

 

VIDEOS 

Videos of the marches for “Peace, the Defence of Life, and Mother Earth” in Huixtán and Cancuc can be seen here https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IpHUa9v3NiM and here https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZPEhhnnNiDs

 

[1] http://peregrinacion19julio.wordpress.com/comunicados/comunicado-espanol/

Article translated by Oso Sabio from an article originally written in Spanish at: http://otrosmundoschiapas.org/index.php/temas-analisis/31-31-resistencias/1718-porque-los-pueblos-originarios-rechazan-la-autopista-san-cristobal-de-las-casas-palenque

 

 

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August 26, 2014

EZLN Press Conference, August 10, 2014

Filed under: Indigenous, Journalists, La Sexta, Marcos, Zapatista — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 7:02 pm

EZLN Press Conference, August 10, 2014

Transcription of the EZLN Press Conference with the free, autonomous, alternative, or whatever-you-call-it media, August 10, 2014, in La Realidad Zapatista, Chiapas, Mexico.

 

First part: the words of SubGaleano

 

CNI441Good morning Gotham City… whenever you finish taking pictures of the stage over there, we’re going to start the press conference over here.

Please take your seats so that we can start in a few minutes, and so that afterward you can take your departure. Please find your places compañeros, compañeras. Please sit down.

Good morning Gotham City (that is a greeting to a compañero who uses that as a twitter handle).

What you just saw a few moments ago is what in military terms is called a diversionary tactic, and in laymen’s terms is called magic. And what took just a few minutes to actually happen, took someone 20 years of work to make happen that way.[i]

We want to begin, taking advantage of the fact that we have the free, autonomous, alternative, or whatever-you-call-it media here, as well as  compañeros from the national and international Sixth, by thanking you. And in order to thank you, I am going to tell you the story of a death.

This August 25 marks the 10-year anniversary of the death of Infantry Lieutenant Insurgente Eleazar. In 2004, really in 2003, he began to show signs of the kind of illness that only appears on Doctor House or stuff like that. It is called Guillain-Barré, and it consists of a gradual decline of all systems of the body until the patient dies. There is no cure, and the patient must be kept connected to life support.

When he began to get sick they took him to a hospital in Tuxtla Gutiérrez. They diagnosed him with this illness and told him that he should just go home, that it wasn’t that serious. But when I heard what he had I knew what they meant by those instructions. The doctors, when they saw that he was indigenous, knew he would not be able to pay for treatment. It’s really treatment for survival, not a cure.

#&*%^$*… let’s see if the milicianos can be moved into the shade, they’re going to be cooked alive out there, Lico…

10636006_785753564803798_7111103125650397781_nThe eye patch is so everybody thinks I have a glass eye, but I don’t. Me and my damned ideas, now I have to walk around with this thing on.

So, this illness… in Chiapas, and I imagine in the rest of the country, doctors calculate whether the patient is going to be able to pay for treatment or not. If, according to their calculations, the answer is no, then the doctor tells the patient they don’t have anything, gives them a few placebos so they think they are going to get better, and sends them home to die.

But we refused to accept that. We began to spend from the war funds, the resistance funds, until we couldn’t maintain him any longer. At that point, we’re talking about 2003 when a certain artistic intellectual sector still loved us, we asked them for help so that we could keep our compañero alive. They laughed at us. Apparently the indigenous can die of smallpox, measles, typhoid, all these kinds of things, but not of such an, shall we say, aristocratic illness, as Guillain-Barré, which happens to only one in a million.

When we couldn’t maintain him any longer, we took Lieutenant Eleazar to Oventic and, with the equipment we were able to get there, we kept him alive until one August 25, ten years ago, when he died.

Ten years later, along with the tragic assassination of the compa Galeano, paramilitaries from the CIOAC-Histórica destroyed the autonomous school and clinic here in La Realidad, the ones that belonged to the local Zapatistas. In order to rebuild, we didn’t go to those people [the artist-intellectual sector] for help, but to the people below, our compañeros, compañeras, and  compañeroas of the national and international Sixth.

Compañero Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés, present here, and Comandante Tacho, along with the Zapatista authorities of La Realidad and the compañeros who do carpentry, calculated the necessary materials and came up with 209,000 pesos and some change. At that point we were thinking:

Well, this crowd is really down and out, maybe really scraping the bottom of the barrel they will be able to come up with half of the money and we can take the rest out of the resistance fund or ask for support from the other caracoles.

You already know the story of what happened next, because you are the protagonists. And by “you” I don’t just mean those of you who are here, but all of those who, through you, find out what happens here, that is, our compañeros, compañeras, and compañeroas of the Sixth all over the world. You quintupled the request; in the last accounting we did, the support that had come in quintupled the budgeted amount.

We want to say thank you for this; never before has the EZLN received so much support, and this support from below was more than those who do have money had ever given. Because we know that the compañeros of the Sixth didn’t give what they had leftover; they gave what they didn’t even have. We have been reading in your free media, your twitter accounts and on your facebook pages, stories that fill us with pride.

We know that many of you struggled to come up with the funds to come here, that some even struggle to feed themselves every day and to have a fresh pair of—I was going to say underwear—of clothes, and that despite that you made the effort to find a way to come and demonstrate what support between compañeros looks like, as opposed to hand-outs from above.

DSC7758So the first thing I want you to tell your compañeros and compañeras all over the world in your languages, tongues, ways, times, and geographies, is thank you, for real. You have given a beautiful lesson not only to those above who divvy up crumbs as hand-outs, to the governments who abandon their obligations and even promote destruction, but also to us; it is the most beautiful lesson that we Zapatistas have received since the Sixth Declaration was released.

The point of this press conference is to honor a promise. Originally this press conference was going to be held in Oventic, along with the exchange with indigenous peoples that was meant to happen there. Later it was going to happen when we had the funeral for compañero Galeano, the homage that is. And it was principally meant to say the last words or the farewell of Subcomandante Marcos, and the first words of Subcomandante Insurgente, now Galeano—at that point it was going to be another name.

It’s important that I tell you what this event was going to be, that is, how we had conceived it, in order to propose to you another possible reading of the homage to Galeano and this transition between death and life that was created by the disappearance of the late Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, due to whom the devil is holding his nose. Now it must be said, that was one good-looking guy, to each their own… That was sarcasm, I don’t know if you got it… I can still distinguish these things.

Look, compañeros, in order to understand what happened in the wee hours of that morning of May 25, you have to understand what had happened before, what was going to happen. I have read and heard various interpretations that are more or less correct, and a whole bunch that are absolutely ridiculous, about what that May 25 morning meant. Some are quite clever, such as for example the one that proposed that it was all a trick to avoid paying child support.

But most accounts completely disregarded everything that had happened. For example, they said that the Zapatistas had said that the paid media don’t exist, that they were now the enemy, that this was an action aimed against the paid media, etc. But if you have even a little bit of memory, you’ll recall that in the original invitation the event was open to everyone, when it was to be held in Oventic. That meant the paid media could also attend.

What was gong to happen originally was that Marcos was going to die and bid farewell to the paid media, explaining how we viewed them and thanking them kindly and then he was going to speak and introduce himself to the free, alternative, autonomous, or whatever-you-call-it media. What I am implying is that one reading, perhaps not the most correct, is that what happened in the wee morning hours of May 25, 2014, meant that the EZLN was changing interlocutors. That is why I told you the history of the late Infantry Lieutenant Insurgente Eleazar, war veteran, who fought in 1994.

Yes, the Zapatistas have not only not said that the paid media don’t exist—somebody out there circulated that stupidity—but we said something entirely different: that what is happening with the paid media has nothing to do with us and has everything to do with the advance of capitalism at a global level.

The paid media present something truly marvellous within capitalism, because they represent one of the few times that capitalism has managed to convert non-production into a commodity. Supposedly, the job of the communications media is to produce information and circulate it for the consumption of its various audiences or listeners. Capitalism has managed to pay the media to not produce, that is, to not inform.

What has happened over the past few years is that with the advance of mass communications media that are not privately held—that is, they are currently being litigated or disputed, such as the battleground of the internet—the traditional press has lost power—both the power of dissemination and of course, the capacity to communicate.

I have a few facts here and I am going to cite the author because he asks that he is cited any time his information is used, Francisco Vidal Bonifaz. He does an analysis of the print runs of the principal newspapers in Mexico (note: it is probable that the speaker is referring to the book “Los Dueños del Cuarto Poder”, published by planeta editing house, where the author Francisco Vidal Bonifaz does an exhaustive analysis of the press in Mexico. In this book and in the blog “The Wheel of Fortune,” ruedadelafortuna.wordpress.com, you can find this information, the print run of each publication, as well as the economic and educational levels of their readerships, etc. The book and the blog are recommended for anyone who wants an in-depth understanding of the situation of the Mexican Press. Note courtesy of “Los Tercios Compas,” “The Odd Ones Out”). The newspapers classified as the principal newspapers in Mexico, in that inverse provincialism characteristic of chilangos [people from Mexico City], are the ones that are produced in Mexico City, even though the print run of newspapers produced in the states may be greater.

Compas9In 1994 they put out, sometimes in a more than a figurative sense, more that a million copies of the principal newspapers. In 2007, production had fallen to 800,000, and the number of readers had gone down scandalously. One way or another, investigative journalism and journalistic analysis, which is the ground on which the paid media would have been able to compete with the instantaneous information possible through the internet, was abandoned or left aside.

The paid media, which really isn’t an insult, it’s a reality; it is media that lives off of money, right? Some may say “no, the thing is that “paid media” sounds really bad, it’s better to say ‘commercial media’.” But commercial media sounds worse than paid media.

Newspapers don’t live off their own circulation, that is, off the sale of their paper; they live off of advertisements. So in order to sell advertisements they have to show those buying advertising space what public they are targeting, who their readers are. For example, they say—and this is data from before and up to 2008 because after that all of the newspapers censured any information about their own publications—that El Universal and Reforma took about 70% of the paid advertising in Mexico City, and the other newspapers fought over the remaining 30%.

So each newspaper has a profile, we could call it, of its readers—a particular class strata and educational level it targets—and that is what it presents to companies buying advertising space. So if I am El Despertador Mexicano and my primary consumers are indigenous people, then I’m going to sell one page of advertising space to El Huarache Veloz [The Fast Huarache] in order to sell huaraches or pozol or whatever.[ii]

The thing is that all of the newspapers, absolutely all of them, including those that say they are leftist, present an analysis of their readership profile that has 60 to 70% of their readers in the upper ranges of buying power. The only ones who openly recognize that their readers are of low buying power and low educational background are Esto, Ovaciones, and La Prensa. All the others target the upper class, that is, those above.

It is evident that this class with high buying power can reach information via a more instantaneous route. Why wait for the newspaper to come to see what is happening in another part of the world if in an instant I can know what’s going on in Gaza, for example? Why I am I going to wait for the TV news or the newspaper if I can see it immediately?

There is no competitive terrain there, because what the super-high speeds of these forms of media means is that the idea of first or exclusive access to news vanishes in the face of high speed competition. So all of these media outlets, including the progressive ones, are fighting for a rating, that is, for an upper middle class and upper class audience. There is another class that is very rich, beyond every measure; I think they’re the ones that produce the information.

Paid media have only two options in order to survive, precisely because they are paid. They can contract their survival with those who can still pay, that is, the political class, in return for its commercials and propaganda, but in its own way. You can see this in the fees that each newspaper charges for a full page ad, a half page, three quarters page, down to the smallest section you can buy, and there is a special charge for non-commercial advertising, which are the governmental advertisements, and another fee for the “miscellaneous” news, for example those interviews that no one knows why appear in the newspaper because nobody cares what that person has to say—those are paid. The highest fees are for the non-commercial ads, that is, the ones paid by the government, and the miscellaneous news—paid insertions disguised as information.

The other option they have is to develop investigative journalism and journalistic analysis that isn’t offered on the internet. Well, it wasn’t offered on the internet until spaces like what we now call free, autonomous, alternative, etc. media existed. What they could do is make an analysis, a dissection, of the information that is flowing through incoherently, and investigate what’s behind it, for example, the Israeli government’s policy in Gaza or Manuel Velasco’s policy in Chiapas and so on, wherever the case may be.

No one with even minimum standards informs themselves about what is happening through the newspapers. (You are all a bad example because you are neither upper nor upper middle class, if you were you wouldn’t be here.) But, who says, “well I want to understand what’s going on in Chiapas, I’m going to read the profound journalistic analysis of Elio Henriquez.” Nobody.

Nobody says, “what’s happening in Gaza?” I’m going to read Laura Bozzo to see how it is being explained.” No, that terrain has been completely abandoned [by newspapers], now it is webpages and blogs that cover that terrain.

This lethargic withdrawal or disappearance of the paid media is not the responsibility of the EZLN, nor of course of the late SubMarcos. It is the responsibility of the development of capitalism and the difficulty of adapting to the new terrain. The paid media are going to have to evolve into entertainment media, that is to say that if I can’t inform you, then at least I can entertain you. Because, as any honest reporter from the paid media will tell you, they can’t have an impact via investigative and analytical journalism, “the thing is if I write that, they won’t publish it.” And the newspaper earns more for not publishing those kinds of articles than for publishing them.

That’s what I mean about how non-production becomes a commodity; in this case, silence itself. Any reasonably decent journalist with even minimal ethical responsibility who does an investigation on the involvement of the state governments of Salazar Mendiguchía, Juan Sabines Guerrero, and Manuel Velasco with the CIOAC-Histórica will find that there is a lot of money moving around there, including the money that Mrs. Robles distributes from the National Campaign Against Hunger.

But it is more marketable to not publish that article than to publish it, because who is going to read it, the enemies of these heroes of the homeland? On the other hand, keeping quiet about that and talking instead about how nice the capital Tuxtla Gutiérrez is looking with the new urban developments that municipal president Toledo and Manuel Velasco are putting into place will sell well, even if it’s all a lie. We check the twitter accounts of the paid journalists, those who work for the paid media that is, and they are in fact reporting on this, on the image of war presented in the Chiapan capital by these totally anachronistic and absurd constructions.

But for example, people from Veracruz come here, and I think if we said, “Well, if we want to see what’s going on in Veracruz we read the Xalapa Herald” (if that even exists), they would say, “Man, Sub, don’t fuck around, those people have nothing to do with anything.”

10599578_10201438822852193_624194127798891647_n (1)So the problem the whole world has is that if there is no longer information, nor analysis, nor investigation in the communications media – if there indeed at some point ever were – then where are we going to find these things? There is a gap, then, in the media sphere that is currently in dispute.

What we were also trying to signal in that farewell was that the media that had so prided themselves on creating media figures—they were so proud of having themselves created Marcos—now, despite their efforts, can’t manage to create an international figure much less a national one, even when they are paid to do so, as in the case of López Obrador.

It can’t be done. Now the figures that have emerged, that have moved people or moved information at a national level, are created not by the media but despite them. I don’t know if I’m saying it correctly, but Julian Assange became a referent when his revelation of documents showed the communications media at a global level that they were not reporting what was happening. Although he is part of a collective, the media only report on him. There is even a film about him as a person, even though we all know it is a collective at work.

The young woman Chelsea Manning, who underwent an operation to become Chelsea Manning, and Snowden—what all of these people have done is uncover what was hidden and what should have been the work of the communications media to reveal. But those who have truly disrupted the world of information are the collectives where the individual is completely dissolved, like Anonymous. You hear it said “but nothing is known about Anonymous anymore, they don’t show themselves,” which is absurd because if they are anonymous how are we going to ask them to show themselves.

In sum, what we have seen is that the anonymity of the collective is coming to replace and to put into crisis that penchant of those above to find, and make in the media, individuals and personalities.

We think that this has a lot to do with the form or structure of the media. If the structure of the paid media is the envy of any army in terms of verticality, authoritarianism, and arbitrariness, the media collective—that is the alternative, free, autonomous, etc. media—has another structure of being and way of working.

In the paid media, what matters is who does the reporting. If you look at what came out in the paid media on the 20-year anniversary of the uprising in January of this year, the majority of the articles were about what journalists did 20 years ago, not what happened during the anniversary: “I interviewed Marcos,” “I did such-and-such interview,” “I was the first to get in,” “I wrote the first book.” What a shame that in 20 years they haven’t done anything else worth remembering.

But this is the kind of thing that carries weight. The exclusive. You have no idea how important it is and what a journalist will do to get “the exclusive.” The exclusive right to have the last interview with Marcos or the first with Galeano has a value and a cost, even if it is not published, because as I said, keeping quiet is also a commodity and can be sold.

In contrast, I want to think that in the collectives to which you belong and in others that couldn’t come, the way you work makes the information more important than who produced it. There are of course those who still have to learn to write properly, but the great majority can compete with their ingenuity, analysis, depth, and investigation of what is happening.

What we see is that in this shitstorm that is the capitalist world, the question is, where do we get information? If we go to the internet and google something, such as Gaza, we can find there that the Palestinians are a bunch of murderers that are burning themselves alive just to demoralize the Israeli army, or the reverse. You can find pretty much anything. Where are you going to find information about what is really happening? Ideally, the Palestinians would tell us what was happening themselves, not through others.

In this case, for example, we say, wouldn’t it be better to know what the Zapatistas themselves are saying? Wouldn’t that be better than someone else saying what they think we should have said, not even what they think we said, but what we should have said. Like those who say that in the text “The Light and the Shadow,” Marcos says he’s not going to write anymore, which means Galeano isn’t going to be able to write. But they didn’t notice that when everyone else bid farewell, the cat-dog remains. There are a lot of things one can examine there, but that doesn’t matter right now.

What we want to point out is that the best information is that which comes from the actors themselves, not from the person who is reporting on the event. Those who can do this are the free, autonomous, and alternative media. What I am explaining to you, compañeros and compañeras and compañeroas, is still a tendency, not something that is happening right now. Meaning, don’t start acting like peacocks saying, “now we’re the shit and the whole world depends on us.”

It is a tendency that we see due to that curse we’re under of seeing things before they happen. We see that the paid media, as information media, are in free fall, not through any fault of their own, but because they embraced a political class that is also in decline. They did this in order to survive and that is understandable.

We do not criticize those who work for the press and make their living from this. We do think that dignity and decency have a limit and there are limits that are being crossed, but this is something for each person to evaluate for themselves; we are not going to judge them. But what we do see is that the problem for the paid media is survival, and while their [long-term] possibilities for survival indicate one direction, they are going in another, one of more immediate concern.

In the long run that paid media, like anything you buy and consume, is going to disappear. Why would you buy the newspaper if you can check the internet? But additionally, you aren’t going to look for information there, you aren’t going to look there for analysis of what’s happening.

So we think, if we want to know what’s happening in Michoacán, ideally it would be people from Michoacán who would tell us. We think that if people in other parts of the world or the country want to know what’s happening with the Zapatistas, there should be at least some space where they can find out.

What I mean is that we are not looking for militants for that work, militants of Zapatista communication; for that we have the cursed idea of the “Odd Ones Out” Press [Los Tercios Compas]. What we want are listeners, so that people who want to find out what is going on can find something that is true, or they can find an in-depth analysis or a real investigation, keeping in mind that the important thing is the news or the information, not who produces it.

 

 

10403510_10201438883173701_7222386691308783711_nWe think that in the long run the free, autonomous, alternative media are going to fill—or could fill—this gap that is occurring in the exchange of information at a global level. The internet can’t fill the gap, though you may think it would; on the internet you can find anything you want, if you’re in favor of something you can find arguments in favour, if you’re against you can just as easily find arguments against.

What is needed is for this information to have a space where it becomes legible. And this is what, in broad strokes and at this point still tendentially, we think the alternative, autonomous, free, or whatever-you-call-it press can provide.

That is what we had wanted to tell you when this press conference was going to be in Oventic, that you have no fucking idea of the task that awaits you. It isn’t that we are going to keep you running around: come to La Realidad, now go to such and such place, and the “Odd Ones Out” Press are going to go, or the Even Ones, or whoever. Okay not the even ones, it’s a pun, we chose “Odd Ones Out” Press for a reason…(Note: clearly the speaker is affected by his one-eyed condition, because he should be saying “Odd Ones Out Compas” not “Odd Ones Out Press.” We hereby energetically protest this error and insist that this correction be published in the same space and with the same importance as the original blunder. Note courtesy of “Odd Ones Out Compas.”)

The hopes of many people await you. We ourselves don’t place our hope in you, but rather our trust. Not just in you who are here, but in the tendency that you are part of that can in fact fill that gap.

The problem that we see is the pay, now we do have to talk about pay. The majority of people who work in the free, autonomous, etc. media have another job. So the autonomous, free, alternative media is like the “Odd Ones Out Press” (note: error and protest to error reiterated. Attentively, “Odd Ones OutCompas”), everyone participates as they can because they all have to work, to put in their time in order to make a little money. Or they participate as long as there is money, and when the money runs out the media disappears. It can also happen, and I hope it doesn’t, that the media lasts only until the calendar imposes its logic on the members; that is, when they grow up and mature, as they say above, and leave behind such rebellion and craziness.

We think that you are going to have this problem and that you have to figure out a way to resolve it, I don’t know how. I see that on some [web] pages there are ads with advice about how to lose weight, how not to get old, how not to get wrinkles, something about that what’s it called, lifting, that thing they do to themselves, well stuff like that and other esoteric nonsense. And well, people who are looking at the alternative media aren’t going to pay attention to things like that and the media can make a little money that way. Some handle the income question like that, although in order to be able to do that you’d have to demonstrate that someone other than yourselves goes to your webpages.

We used to joke many years ago with those who were in charge of our page before all of this, who said “look at this, such-and-such communique had this many hits.” And I would say, “that’s a lie, it was us going click, click, click, click, click… not really.”

I don’t know, maybe the same thing that compelled you to work as a collective, in addition to those of you that do urban artisan work or whatever you call it, who make things, maybe you can also collectively find a way to resolve this issue so that your media doesn’t collapse, so that it endures and grows. You don’t have another choice, compañeros, I’m sorry to say: you either grow or disappear. This includes those who only sporadically publish information. This is your only choice, because even among yourselves disparities will start to develop. I hope that any disparity in development occurs because of the depth of your analysis and investigative abilities and not because some manage to resolve the issue of pay and some don’t.

I hope you figure it out, because there are a lot of people who are expecting more of you than you can imagine.

So, just in order to clarify and summarize: The paid media exist, they are real, they have a certain importance, this importance is tendentially diminishing, and what the EZLN has done is radically change its media policy. We do not want to talk with those above, as Subcomandante Moisés will further explain in the question and answer session, which is going to consist of the Zapatista media asking the questions and you providing the answers, rather than the reverse.

What the EZLN has done is to say: now we don’t care about those people we had to address through Durito, or through Old Antonio, those of the paid press that is. Now we are interested in the people who understand the fact of the cat-dog; who recognize difference and recognize that there are things that we don’t understand, but just because we don’t understand them does not mean we are going to judge or condemn them—like a cat-dog that exists; you’re not going to believe me but it’s real.

What we are interested in is talking and listening to you, and by that I mean the people who talk and listen to us through you. If we want to know what is happening in any particular place, we look first to the alternative free media. There isn’t that much information really, but even the little that exists is much better than any paid media source. Plus, you have to subscribe with a credit card to read whatever the Laura Bozzo types publish anywhere.

What happened then that changed this farewell plan? This plan to tell the paid media “thanks for everything…” (although the majority of them were involuntarily and unwillingly complicit in what you saw here a little bit ago, the diversion tactic or magic act), and to tell you all the curse that awaits you?

The majority of you are young. We think that rebellion has nothing to do with the calendar, that it shouldn’t have anything to do with the calendar, because we see people who are older, not in their right mind because (inaudible), but they continue to be rebellious. And we have the hope that you all continue, even if it isn’t you who are here anymore. Maybe you divide up the work, “you guys figure out how to get money and we dedicate ourselves to this, and we rotate or something like that,” but don’t abandon this work, it is truly important.

23So what happened? Take into account the original plan, where the paid media were going to be present too. This was still the plan two weeks before, it was only 15 days before the event that we said no, they’re not coming to the homage for Galeano.

What happened was a death. On this fact I have only read, and I’m not saying there aren’t other things out there, an article by John Gibler, who happens to be here somewhere. He wrote that he was telling someone about the homage to Galeano and that person said, “but all this for one dead man?” And he tried to explain the best he could what one dead man meant. And we want to to say how important one death is to us.

If we let one death go, then we let two go, and if we let two go then there will be ten, and later a hundred, later a thousand, later tens of thousands, like in the supposed war on narcotrafficking waged by Calderón, who permitted one death and later permitted tens of thousands. Not us. Yes, we will die of natural causes or just causes – in struggle that is – but we are not going to permit anyone, any of our compañeros and compañeras and compañeroas to be murdered in impunity. We will not allow it. And we will move all of the forces in our power even if it is for just one person dead, even if that person is the most ignored, the most disdained, the least known.

The rage we felt with Galeano—this compañero Galeano was the one who was in charge of receiving the paid press, he carried their bags and brought them on horseback to where the interviews or reports were done, he received them in his house and fed them. These people who ignored or disrespected his death, who heroized the paramilitaries as victims of arbitrary judgement, they didn’t even bother to ask him his name all the times they came here—and for 20 years he was in charge of receiving and hosting them. He even made bets with one of them on who would win the World Cup each time it came around.

We were waiting for a reaction from those who had that kind of relationship with him, but they didn’t even know who he was. They came to interview Marcos, to see Marcos; they saw the horse and the gun, they wanted to know what he read, although everyone already knew what books the late Marcos had read. All of these things interested them, but not the man who was receiving and welcoming them here.

Perhaps we can understand that he didn’t matter to them because he was another indigenous person, without a face, who fed them, carried their things, helped them onto the horse, accompanied them, told them where to step, what to watch out for, all of that. We understand that he did not matter to them, but to us he does, Galeano and each and every one of the Zapatistas. We created all this ruckus and we will do so again and again because we will not permit a single death to go by with impunity.

So that’s why we changed everything, and out of our rage Subcomandate Moisés, who now commands those things, said that no press were going to come in, no paid press, even though originally everybody was going to be allowed.

The cadaver of compañero Galeano was here in this room [gesturing behind him]. There is a video where you can see the cadaver, surrounded by compañeros reproaching the CIOAC for Galeano’s death. They didn’t touch them, compañeros. I, who am supposedly a controlled being, with all that had happened I would have least given them a shove. But the compañeros didn’t, they were yelling at them but they didn’t touch them. Anywhere else there would have been a lynching right there on the spot, because they were responsible for the death and the cadaver was right there.

Then we arrived. We had been in Oventic getting ready for the events to be held there, I was practicing with a wheelchair. Today I came in on a horse, but there I was going to enter in a wheelchair in order to feed the rumors about me being really sick and in bad shape. Later I was going to stand up because my knees were hurting me from practicing.

When we found out what happened we came here and we saw what was going on—and look, what didn’t and won’t come out in the press was that that guy that lives there [gesturing outside the caracol] right outside, and there, and there, and there, and there, are those that were involved in the conflict, and they came here to the door of the Caracol to mock the compañeros who were enclosed here to avoid being accosted, just where you are now, that’s where the compañeros were.

They were mocking how the deceased danced with the blows they were dealing him, they made fun of how they shot him, cut him with machetes, all of this that we have edited from the investigation because it is our pain. Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés has now finished the investigation, but we will not make it public in order to avoid acts of revenge. We will hand it over to Frayba with all of the names and everything; we already know who did the killing.

That is the situation we found ourselves in, compas, and we couldn’t allow ourselves even the slightest reaction because it was like a dry prairie here, with even a spark everything was going to go up in flames and there would have been a river of blood. We had to withstand the rage and keep bearing it and we still have not released it. We have not yet released this rage.

So the answer, John Gibler, is that for the Zapatistas one unjust death is too many, and that is why we were willing to do anything and everything.

This kind of media management imposes an inhuman, absurd logic, uncalled for in any part of the world. Look, for example at the little girls and little boys in Palestine who have demonstrated a great patience in dying, because one dies and nobody pays any attention, and the cadavers keep piling up until finally the mass media turns to see what’s happening and the children keep dying so that there are images to print. They keep dying so that the image is seen and they have to die in the most scandalous ways, outrageous ways, so that the people above begin to say, “hey wait, what are we doing there,” that is, to do something.

We as Zapatistas are always surprised at how little humanity there is in the humans who exist above. Why is so much spilled blood necessary for them to say something? And even then they qualify their position: “fine, kill them but don’t show it because it implicates us.”

Robert Fisk, who writes in The Independent of Great Britain, put what we are saying now another way: the large mass media outlets are in crisis because the people who read them—which is the upper classes, well-informed and of high consumption capacity—are indignant because that same media treats them like idiots, trying to present the massacre in Gaza as if it were a confrontation between two sides or as if the fault lay with Hamas. If people feel insulted—and just because they have a salary doesn’t mean that they are dumb, well some are—but they have intelligence and they feel insulted. Fisk recognizes this in an article, saying “we are in crisis, people don’t believe us anymore, they don’t take us seriously, and what’s more, they’re openly complaining about us.” In some places this has been going on for years, like here in Mexico.

10445492_496518493825114_3708759350344714158_nWhat is happening in Palestine that nobody talks about—this mortal patience of the Palestinian children—is the responsibility of the Israeli government. We always distinguish governments from the people, we understand the temptation to conflate them, but we’ve said on another occasion that the problem isn’t between Zionism and antisemitism, even if the big heads continue spouting such silly things.

We can’t say that because the Israeli government murders, the Israeli people are murderers, because then they will say that the Mexican people are idiots because the Mexican government is idiotic, and we, at least, are not idiots. There are people in Israel, we don’t know how many, who are noble, conscientious, honest, and they don’t have to be leftist because the condemnation of what is happening in Palestine has nothing to do with a political position; it’s a question of human decency. Nobody can see that massacre and say nothing is happening or that it is somebody else’s fault.

What I am explaining about the crisis of the paid media and the emergence of the free, alternative, or autonomous media is a tendency in which, over the long haul, you will run into a lot of problems. I didn’t want to tell you this but it has to be said.

There are people who are going to desmayar [falter or faint] — the compas say desmayar when someone gives up, when they leave their work, the struggle—when they say desmayar they mean someone has left the struggle.

There are people [among you] that the paid media are going to summon, to say come over here—to eat shit, as one newspaper assistant editor said, but they’re going to pay you to eat shit—maybe because they write well, or they have a good analysis, or because they frame the photos nicely or the video or whatever.

And some are going to go. Others are going to betray you, they’re going to say “no, hell no, that text isn’t real, they made it up,” or whatever. And others are going to give up [claudicar]. Claudicar is a word that the compas understand very well, which means that you are on a path and you say, “ah no, I don’t want to do this after all, better that I take this other path.” In these cases it doesn’t usually have anything to do with leaving a job per se—sometimes one has to work a job to live—but rather with leaving a particular position with respect to how information is treated, in this case the position of the free, autonomous, or alternative media.

The problems you are going to have are money-related. That is, you are going to have to survive. And survival will be a problem not just as media but as human beings who still have to eat, right? Though some of you are overcoming this, but…

Compas7What we also want you to know, and for other free media to hear through you, is that we recognize this effort and this sacrifice. We know it is a huge pain to get here for people who have a salary, for someone who doesn’t have one it is practically heroic. We recognize this, we know it, we understand it, and we appreciate it. You can be sure that if anyone is going to take into consideration what this requires of you, it’s us.

So where are we going to look for information? In the paid media? No. Through the social networks. No. On the unstable and choppy sea of the internet? No. There, like I said, anything goes.

So there is a gap regarding where to find the information. The medium you are using now is also limited: it gets to more people but also has a limit because people who don’t have internet of at least medium speed—and I challenge you to try to open any of your own pages here, sonofa… we could have another uprising, and win the war and that page still wouldn’t have opened completely. There should be a lighter version or something like that, the smartphone version or whatever. But the majority of your interlocutors, or at least those who should be your interlocutors, don’t have this [fast internet], although that could change.

We think that at this time the principal means of communication has to be to listen; that’s why we were referring to you all as “listeners.” There are people, I was just telling Moi, that have this need to talk, and they don’t care if anyone is listening, they just have to talk, it doesn’t even matter what what about. But there are also people who are concerned as to whether they are being listened to, and this matters to them because they want their words to go further out into the world.

The compañeros and compañeras of the CNI came here with the charge to be heard. This is different than during the Other Campaign; I remember those multiple nightmares—the collective divan of “get comfortable, cause here we go”—that was the Other Campaign, where everybody said whatever crossed their mind. They didn’t care if anyone was listening or not, or understanding or not; the point was that they could go on and on about whatever they wanted. And it was free! Imagine what that would cost you to do that with a psychoanalyst or a psychiatrist or whatever you call them these days.

So the point is to remind you that the medium is also the limit and you have to look for ways to get past this. Right now, the direct source currently seems to be the primary one and we have to tell you that the originary peoples are the real specialists in listening. My point here is to warn you about what is coming with the World Festival of Rebellion and Resistance, and to exhort you not to let it become the show-off spectacle that the meetings of the Other turned into, and that includes the preparatory meetings and all that. The compañeros and compañeras of the originary peoples are specialists in the art of listening, in communication par excellence.

That the person who is the subject of a particular issue, or suffering, or action is the one who tells you how they see things should not be an impediment to providing an analysis. I take what you say at face value but then I see these other things. That is the job of those who dedicate themselves to providing information.

We also see, ever since the tragedy of the death of Galeano, how different types of media handle their work either as charity or support. In the paid communications media, if they pay attention to you then you should be grateful, and this is something for which they cannot forgive the Zapatistas. “We’re still trying to lend you a hand,” they would say “and you bite the hand that feeds you.” Well we aren’t looking for indigestion; we would spit on that hand, because what they are offering with that kind of media attention is a charitable handout.

10557435_10201449157670557_6196591864970131195_nOn the other hand, for the free, alternative, autonomous, etc. media, your reporting is not a hand-out. It is a duty that you are honoring, despite all of the difficulties you may have in doing so. That is what we call “the compa media,” I know Tacho tore them to pieces and that’s why we published that stuff about the Odd Ones Out Compas (note: the speaker finally said it correctly. Attentively, “Odd Ones Out Compas.”)

That is the difference between the paid media and the compa media. It’s not that one has money, or receives a salary or not. The difference is that for some we are a commodity, whether they are reporting on us or purposely not reporting on us, and for others we are a space of struggle, like they have themselves and like there are in every corner of the earth.

Yesterday’s event was open to the press, and only three journalists came. Well, four, but one was one of the three journalists that have been given noble titles for having lied about the death of Galeano, that one we didn’t let in. Of the other three, one was from Proceso, one does media work on the southern border, and another works with Aristegui. As of now only Proceso has printed something, but no other media came, I don’t know if this is all Paquita La Del Barrio[iii] style, that is, out of spite, but either way.

How many dead—because it wasn’t an EZLN event, it was the CNI’s event—how many dead would the CNI have to have for the media to pay attention to them? “A lot,” the media would say, in order to really become a commodity. Later they would decide if they were going to market the fact that they covered it or market the fact that they didn’t.

The difference for us is that support from a compañero doesn’t come with conditions, because they know they are part of the same struggle.

So what we see in this chaotic panorama that I have described is that with the super-speed saturation of jumbled information out there, paradoxically, the highest or supreme level of communication that exists is the exchange, this direct sharing.

The compas have discovered something that you have also discovered in your work, which is the power of listening. If it isn’t possible for us all to listen at the same time, then it is necessary to have someone who takes these words and spreads them further, to the people, which is what the “escuchas” [listeners, a job or duty assigned for EZLN events, usually to young people in the Zapatista communities] do. And one way or another it is what you all do too.

But if this kind of exchange is now the supreme level of communication (this is according to us, but as you know, we don’t know anything about communications media), then those who are best at such things are those who need to be listened to. It seems to me that the originary peoples are pretty fierce at this—having the necessary patience and all of that—but Subcomandate Moisés is going to talk to you more about that.

That is what I wanted to tell you. Compañeros and compañeras, there won’t be any questions for me, as it seems to me that in the last 20 years you’ve asked me everything you need to ask me, and I think I have in fact received a Certificate of Impunity to not answer anything anymore, but we’ll have to show that to you later.

We were still going to do this in the wee hours of the morning last time, but since they now have me working as an Odd Ones Out Press (note: hmm… the speaker just doesn’t learn. Odd Ones Out Compas!) and I was checking and seeing that they were pirating everything off of you, we decided it was better for you all to be able to get going because it wasn’t fair what the paid media were doing. It wasn’t just theft, it was a dispossession out of disrespect. That is, it was as if they were saying I’m going to take this and not say who it came from because who gives a shit about that tweet or that page that nobody sees anyway.

That was what they were complaining about, according to what we are told; the paid media got to San Cristobal and were saying “that Marcos is crazy, how is he going to pick people that don’t have 10 visitors to their pages” (hey so click on them more (inaudible) so you can at least get to a hundred) “and not pick us who have millions of readers.”

So we owed you this conference, compañeros, and here it is. Galeano is not going to be quiet, sometimes Tacho is going to talk, sometimes Moisés, sometimes Galeano, sometimes somebody else, the cat-dog, whoever. The important thing here is that: one, we have changed interlocutors; and two, we recognize the importance of the tendency that we see in your appearance as free, autonomous, alternative, etc. media.

margua-ff2We have created the Odd Ones Out Press (note: aaaarrrrrrghhhhh! T-h-e  O-d-d  O-n-e-s  O-u-t  C-o-m-p-a-s!) so that you don’t have to bust your asses to get here every time; this way we can send you material. It’s not just that we recognize and value your work, above all we recognize and value the sacrifice and incredible effort you put out to turn toward us and see what’s happening here.

For this, to you in particular and to all of the compañeros of the Sixth in general, thank you.

That’s all, Gotham City. (note: the speaker wanted to imitate the voice of the evil villain Mr. Bane, but it didn’t really come out right).

End of SubGaleano’s discourse.

 

(Transcription from the original audio by “The Odd Ones Out,” under some protest and somewhat pissed off because of all the blunders, but oh well, that’s the way the work goes, let them suffer).

Copyleft: “The Odd Ones Out Compas” August 12, 2014. Reproduction permitted without resorting to auto-eroticism. Underground circulation allowed as well as overconsumption of the “go for it there’s more where that came from” kind.

 

[i] Before the press conference started, Zapatista authorities moved tables and chairs to the raised stage at one end of the caracol. The independent media rushed over to set up their cameras and equipment there, squeezing into the best positions for filming or photographing. Then activity on stage ceased and the media eventually sought refuge from the fierce sun under the stage. When a familiar tune was heard over the sound system (“La Cigarra”, the song that the late SubMarcos has included in various communiques in the past and which marked his entrance on horseback to the homage in La Realidad in May of this year), they scrambled back up to the cameras. The doors of the caracol opened and a formation of Zapatistas on horseback ceremoniously entered the caracol, including Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés and Comandante Tacho. Some of the media clustered around them, obstructing their path, and SubMoisés gestured repeatedly for them to step aside so the entourage could continue to the stage. Between the effect of the music and the masked commanders on horses, almost none of the media noticed what was going on at the other end of the caracol, where Subcomandante Galeano had quietly emerged from one of the rooms of the Junta de Buen Gobierno offices and sat down at a table on the small raised patio in front of the building. He finally summoned the media’s attention by speaking into the microphone with the initial remark of this discourse.

[ii] Huarache comes from the Purépecha word for a traditional sandal made from leather. It is also, as used here, the name a popular Mexican dish consisting of an oblong corn masa base with meat and/or bean and vegetable toppings. Pozol is a highly nutritious drink made from ground corn mixed with water. It is commonly consumed in the Mexican countryside as a midday meal.

[iii] A well-known Mexican singer of rancheras and other styles, known for her songs about being wronged by men.

 

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Urgent communique from the Peoples Front in Defence of the Land (FPDT): August 22, 2014

Filed under: Human rights, water — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 6:30 pm

 

ATENCO, PRESS RELEASE

August 22, 2014

Urgent communique from the Peoples Front in Defence of the Land (FPDT): August 22, 2014 – Atenco and Texcoco are not for sale! The land is not a commodity!

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Today, August 22, the Agrarian Tribunal, based in Texcoco, cited the first hearing of the lawsuit filed by two ejidatarios, defenders of the land, to demand the annulment of the ejidal assembly of June 1 and the suspension of the act resulting from this in the National Agrarian Registry (RAN), given the legal inconsistencies and corruption that prevail.

From very early in the morning, the Peoples’ Front in Defence of the Land, the population of the neighbouring communities, compañer@s in solidarity and the alternative media, were walking along the federal highway from Mexico to Lechería to go to the agrarian Court which is located in one of the streets in the centre of Texcoco.

When they had almost arrived, dozens of PRI members and a group of young people, many of whom were their relatives, and identified as such since 1 June, wearing shirts with the words “Atenco, peace and progress,” just as in the ejidal assembly of 1 June, this time tried to block the passage and attacked the demonstration, which had as its main objective to get to the Land Court and accompany the hearing from outside.

Meanwhile, inside the Land Court, the secretary of agreements, Moisés Jiménez, in the absence of Judge Daniel Magaña – with whom he was communicating by telephone – asked the defendant, the ejidal commissioner, to submit the minutes of the convocations (18 May and 1 June) and the resulting minutes of the assembly, to which he replied that they had brought nothing, because the RAN had them; for this reason, in turn, the secretary asked the RAN to present them on the 8th of September at 10am. Thus another hearing date was settled. Concerning the latter, we emphasize that the registration of the minutes in the RAN was already suspended several weeks ago and the gentlemen of the ejidal commission have already been notified, so that we can understand the aggressions and provocations that were generated on this day as the only option and reaction faced with the evident illegality with which they are conducting the handing over of the land into private hands.

It should be noted that the secretary Moisés Jiménez asked our compañeros, the applicants, if the members of the FPDT, communities and solidarity organizations would suspend the demonstration, to which they replied that not only do they all have the right to protest and free expression, but also that those responsible for the outbreak of provocations and violence are the same people who are accompanying the president of the ejidal commission.

The provocation by the Priistas was reactivated again to hamper the defence of the land. Once again they used their shock group, beating the compañeros and compañeras, and also the compañer@s from the alternative media whose cameras they tried to steal.

With this action, which is nothing new, they are trying to raise a new threshold of repression and immobility for our peoples, defenders of the earth. It happened in 2006, and they intend to continue with the same strategy of sowing preliminary investigations, to be followed by the planting of crimes against the population who openly reaffirm our love for the land and go by the route of legal defence and organized and peaceful social mobilization.

Do not be fooled. The problem is not of a people fighting amongst each other, the problem is to defend the Earth against the great dispossession operated by successive governments for the benefit of large corporations who insist on becoming owners of our country over the heads of hundreds of peoples who defend and exercise our right and obligation to struggle to defend what belongs to the people. The shock groups of the PRI, the sellouts, the loan sharks, are doing the dirty work on a much deeper problem where at stake are the freedom, the sovereignty and the future of our country.

We reaffirm our love for our Mother Earth, and our decision to defend her as another social right not only of the ejidatarios, heirs of the revolutionary struggle, but also of the population in general.

Let Enrique Peña Nieto and the sellout mafias understand, let the lords of money understand: THE EARTH IS NOT A COMMODITY; THE LAND, THE WATER AND ALL WHO REST THERE BELONG TO THE PEOPLES AND THEIR CHILDREN WHO CULTIVATE AND DEFEND HER.

We call on the people of Mexico and the world, to lend your eyes to this piece of homeland where, like other exemplary peoples, we are still raising the machete and dignity in defence of land and life.

The next hearing will be on September 8 at 10 am in the same agrarian Court of Texcoco.

A few moments ago, the defenders of the land of the people of the water’s edge returned to the square of San Salvador Atenco, where they are concentrating to denounce what has happened.

We thank you for circulating this news and providing accompaniment.

 

DIGNITY CAN DO MORE THAN COWARDICE!

THE LAND IS NOT FOR SALE IT IS TO BE LOVED AND DEFENDED!

Peoples’ Front in Defence of the Land

 

http://serapaz.org.mx/comunicado-urgente-del-fpdt-22-de-agosto-2014-atenco-y-texcoco-no-estan-en-venta-la-tierra-no-es-mercancia/

 

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Atenco: 100 Organizations agree on a Plan of Action in Defence of the Land and Against the Reforms

Filed under: Human rights, water — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 6:25 pm

 

Atenco: 100 Organizations agree on a Plan of Action in Defence of the Land and Against the Reforms

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Organizations meet in San Salvador Atenco

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**Campesinos and social groups create front for resistance and legal strategy

**At the conclusion of the forum, they denounce that the theft of water, property and rights is a daily reality

By: Javier Salinas Cesáreo, Correspondent

La Jornada, Monday, August 18, 2014

San Salvador Atenco, Mexico, August 17, 2014

Representatives of some 100 campesino, union and social organizations defined a plan of action in defence of the land, the water and against the dispossession of the peoples and against the approved structural reforms, in which are included mobilizations during the national days of Corn and of the Electric Industry, as well as during the commemoration of 100 years since the meeting between Zapata and Villa.

The plan of action also includes the integration of a front of resistance and the formation of a legal strategy starting with the recent constitutional modifications, as well as the promotion of collective protection orders against the reforms.

One of the first actions will be a march this August 22 from San Salvador Atenco to the Texcoco courts, which will be led by the Peoples’ Front in Defence of Land (FPDT, its initials in Spanish), to participate in a hearing, following the provisional suspension granted by a judge against the assembly of the ejidal commission of the town of Atenco, held last June, in which the change of land use was approved for more than one thousand hectares of common use land into their full control so as to be able to dispose of them.

This approval signifies the first step towards the sale of the lands to the federal government so that it can carry out the Future City Projects there, with the construction of highways, a zone of mitigation, the rescue of Lake Texcoco and the building of an alternative airport for Mexico City.

Final declaration

During Saturday and Sunday, some 400 activists participated in the National Gathering Workdays in Defence of the Land, Water and Life, and through five work groups, they defined the action plan and formed commissions to follow up on it.

“Dispossession is a daily reality that we all suffer: dispossession of land, water, air, biodiversity, our wisdom, family and community patrimony, of the common wealth, individual and collective rights. It is not something new, but, in the times of neoliberalism, dispossession has intensified. Megaprojects are imposed without the consent of the communities. Mining projects, dams, highways and pipelines dispossess us.

“In the last 30 years, institutional powers and the powers behind them have carried out a systematic dismantling of the State and of the legal framework in Mexico. A series of reforms to the Constitution and laws of a structural character have been imposed, as well as the ratification and strengthening of free trade agreements, which have destroyed the norms that permit the peoples to defend the social fabric and community life.

“The most recent demonstration of this assault is the flood of reforms driven by the government of Enrique Peña Nieto. This entire package of modifications places the country and everything in it up for sale,” the meeting’s final declaration stated.

Translated by: Chiapas Support Committee

Edited by: Dorset Chiapas Solidarity

http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2014/08/18/politica/017n1pol

 

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Threats against Silvia Perez Yescas, human rights defender from CIARENA

Filed under: Human rights, Indigenous — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:42 pm

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26 August 2014

Threats against Silvia Perez Yescas, human rights defender from CIARENA

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copia-de-mujer12-300x168On 19 August 2014, the indigenous peoples’s woman human rights defender Ms Silvia Perez Yescas had just returned to her hometown after being away for a long time, when she was informed  that in San José Río Manzo community there is a bounty of 100.000 pesos on her head. Silvia Perez Yescas works for Conservación, Investigación y Aprovechamiento de los Recursos Naturales - Ciarena A.C. (Conservation, Investigation and Exploitation of Natural Resources) and has been personally threatened over ten times in the past years.

Silvia Perez Yescas is a Zapoteca-Chinanteca indigenous woman,  founder and coordinator of Ciarena A.C., a grassroots organisation focused on gender equality, women and children’s rights, and the development of autonomy of women and men through the full exercise of human rights. Silvia Perez Yescas had previously worked on San José Río Manzo, but had to leave the community because of the risks she was facing. Since January 2009, the woman human rights defender and other members of Ciarena A.C. have suffered harassment, surveillance and death threats, including through messages written on the organisation’s walls and windows. On 16 January 2013, Silvia Perez Yescas was physically assaulted by a group of twenty armed men who entered her house . She managed to save herself and her son, but  they were not able to return  to their home for fears over their safety.

Silvia Perez Yescas has precautionary measures granted by the Oaxacan government, however those have never been fully implemented. Additionally, the human rights defender has been taken up by the National Mechanism for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists. However the measures taken by the Mechanism have not been sufficient to guarantee her security.

Front Line Defenders expresses concern at the ongoing harassment and death threats against Silvia Perez Yescas and Ciarena A.C. members and calls on the Mexican authorities to reassess the protection afforded by the National Protection Unit and ensure that all human rights defenders receive effective security measures.

Front Line Defenders urges the Mexican authorities to:

1. Carry out an immediate, thorough and impartial investigation into the death threats and surveillance against human rights defender Silvia Perez Yescas and other members of  Ciarena A.C. with a view to identifying those responsible, bringing them before a competent and impartial tribunal, and applying the sanctions set out by law;

2. Take all necessary measures to guarantee at all times the physical and psychological safety of Silvia Perez Yescas and members of Ciarena A.C., including by reinforcing protection measures where necessary;

3. Guarantee in all circumstances that all human rights defenders in Colombia, are able to carry out their legitimate human rights activities without fear of reprisals and free of all restrictions.

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The 10-year anniversary of the death of Infantry Lieutenant Insurgente Eleazar: August 25th 2014

Filed under: Marcos, Zapatista — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 6:04 am

 

The 10-year anniversary of the death of Infantry Lieutenant Insurgente Eleazar: August 25th 2014

 

10606085_700003896742294_844451220084414248_nThis August 25 marks the 10-year anniversary of the death of Infantry Lieutenant Insurgente Eleazar. In 2004, really in 2003, he began to show signs of the kind of illness that only appears on Doctor House or stuff like that. It is called Guillain-Barré, and it consists of a gradual decline of all systems of the body until the patient dies. There is no cure, and the patient must be kept connected to life support.

When he began to get sick they took him to a hospital in Tuxtla Gutiérrez. They diagnosed him with this illness and told him that he should just go home, that it wasn’t that serious. But when I heard what he had I knew what they meant by those instructions. The doctors, when they saw that he was indigenous, knew he would not be able to pay for treatment. It’s really treatment for survival, not a cure.

So, this illness… in Chiapas, and I imagine in the rest of the country, doctors calculate whether the patient is going to be able to pay for treatment or not. If, according to their calculations, the answer is no, then the doctor tells the patient they don’t have anything, gives them a few placebos so they think they are going to get better, and sends them home to die.

But we refused to accept that. We began to spend from the war funds, the resistance funds, until we couldn’t maintain him any longer. At that point, we’re talking about 2003 when a certain artistic intellectual sector still loved us, we asked them for help so that we could keep our compañero alive. They laughed at us. Apparently the indigenous can die of smallpox, measles, typhoid, all these kinds of things, but not of such an, shall we say, aristocratic illness, as Guillain-Barré, which happens to only one in a million.

When we couldn’t maintain him any longer, we took Lieutenant Eleazar to Oventic and, with the equipment we were able to get there, we kept him alive until one August 25, ten years ago, when he died.

 

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August 23, 2014

Systematic attacks and forced displacement. Violence against Zapatistas intensifies.

Filed under: Displacement, Frayba, Human rights, Indigenous, Paramilitary, Repression, Zapatista — Tags: , , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:11 pm

 

Systematic attacks and forced displacement. Violence against Zapatistas intensifies.

Written by Carlos Ogaz

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“Where is the peace that Peña Nieto speaks so much of? Is this the peace that Manuel Velasco talks about? And yes, if this, what they are doing to the Zapatista support base compañeros, happened to the Municipal President of Ocosingo, Octavio Albores, would he believe that this is peace? They should think if they want peace. Because they are responsible for everything that may happen or will happen.”

Authorities of the Good Government Junta of La Garrucha

In recent months there has been an escalation of violence on the part of paramilitary groups – disguised as social organizations – against the support bases of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (BAEZLN). In May there was the murder of José Luis Solís López in Caracol I La Realidad, and the destruction of the autonomous school and clinic by the Independent Central of Agricultural Workers and Campesinos – Historical (CIOAC-H). From 25 July until now, members of the Regional Organization of Autonomous Coffee Growers of Ocosingo (ORCAO) have been constantly threatening, harassing with firearms and attacking the BAEZLN of the Autonomous Municipality of San Manuel, part of Caracol III La Garrucha.

The acts of harassment and threats of displacement in the Autonomous Municipality began on 25 July; however, in a communique dated August 14, 2014 and signed by the autonomous authorities of the Caracol of La Garrucha, they say that “we did not want to make it public, due to the sharing (exchange) being held in the Caracol of La Realidad from 4 to 9 August, so as not to interfere with the great sharing between the original peoples of this country.” At this meeting Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés told the free media what had happened to the Support Bases of San Manuel:

What happened there is that the government party supporters, together with the government who organises them to displace us, who want to enter the reclaimed land, came to harass … They came on the 25th, from a village called Pojcol … The land they went to is communal land of the Autonomous Municipality … Then they arrived, they took their positions. They were waiting to see what they would do to them, to get them out, which was not done. Then (July 30) what they did was they sprayed everything … and then they took cattle which the compañeros had there, so they could eat the pasture and they died … again they returned (August 1) at 2 in the morning, about 100 metres away they surrounded the village and started shooting. And then what the compañeros did was to take out the children and women, and the compañeros stayed there, to see if they really would go in. It was a measure in case they were so serious that they would kill … The next night they returned and went in once again. They killed animals as well, but they not only killed them, they also stole them, because they took away the meat, and another of the animals which they could not take down, they left injured.

On August 1, through press bulletin No. 22, the Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Centre (Frayba) documented the forced displacement of 32 Support Bases from the community of Egipto, belonging to the Caracol of La Garrucha, “The incidents occurred….. when a group of armed people from the Ejido Pojcol, Municipality of Chilón, entered the land for collective work…. and fired gunshots”, immediately after, members of the paramilitary organization headed for the autonomous community, so the support bases, in order to avoid attack and confrontation, were forcibly displaced.  “On 2nd August, at 0:30 am, walking throughout the night until they came to another Zapatista village.”

The attacks against the BAEZLN are executed systematically; there is, without doubt,  coordination between ORCAO and CIOAC-H, since the signs demanding justice for compañero Galeano (and which identify Peña Nieto And Manuel Velasco as the main orchestrators of these new attacks) have been burned, in this way demonstrating that the response organised, along with the support of national and international civil society, against the attacks on the Zapatistas, infuriate “the supreme paramilitary chiefs.”

The Centre for Human Rights founded by Bishop Samuel Ruíz, in the urgent action issued on August 7, recounts further provocations, and death threats against those who day by day sustain the Zapatista project. On August 6, about 15 armed men, on board trucks coming from the “direction of Pojcol,” entered the land for collective work of the Autonomous Municipality of San Manuel; they cut down trees, took away the wood and fired in to the air. When the paramilitaries were leaving the collective land, “as they passed the house of a BAEZLN they fired ​​five shots. At 14:51 pm, while crossing the community of Kexil, they fired two shots at the roof of the home of a BAEZLN of that community. The trucks continued towards the ejido Pojcol.”

On August 13, 2014, by agreement of the Zone of the JBG of La Garrucha, the Nuevo Poblado [new community] “San Jacinto” was founded in collective land in the Municipality of San Manuel; it was made up of nine Zapatista families, they built nine houses (in one of them there was a grocery store); The next day, a group of 18 people armed with shotguns and .22 calibre weapons, from the community of Pojcol, municipality of Chilón, surrounded the field for collective work and began shooting into the air for 40 minutes. According to testimonies of people who slept there that night, which were collected by Frayba, the attackers shouted “these weapons we use are from the government”, “these lands are ours and do not belong to those fucking Zapatistas,” and gave the support bases 6 hours to leave the area.

Meanwhile, the Good Government Junta of La Garrucha denounced that during these same incidents, the 18 people from Pojcol “fired guns of different calibres, the bullets went in to the walls of the houses, on to the roofs of the houses, and the compañeros were sleeping there and at this time the compañeros had to be withdrawn in the early hours of the morning to seek shelter in another Zapatista village, leaving everything, they just took what they were wearing.”

This series of incidents only represents a small example of the recent escalation of violence, which has been implemented by paramilitary groups such as ORCAO and CIOAC-H, with the backing of the local, state and federal governments, against the Zapatistas. They are acts of attrition aimed at undermining the resistance, with the aim of provoking violent responses on the part of the BAEZLN, in order to have an armed pretext, making use of a false discourse around the conflict, calling it “inter-community”, with the intention of concealing the true counterinsurgency war in Chiapas.

 

Brigada a La Garrucha

Brigada a La Garrucha

 

Translated and posted by Dorset Chiapas Solidarity 23/08/2014

 

http://regeneracionradio.org/index.php/represion/despojo/item/4338-ataques-a-baezln

 

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August 22, 2014

International Support for the Zapatista Peoples against the counterinsurgency war in Chiapas

Filed under: Zapatista — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:56 pm

 

International Support for the Zapatista Peoples against the counterinsurgency war in Chiapas

To National and International Civil Society,

To the National and International Sixth,

To the free, autonomous, independent media or whatever they are called,

To the Good Government Juntas,

To the EZLN,

To the support bases of the EZLN,

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Companeras, Companeros,

From our corners of this planet in resistance and rebellion against capitalism, we come together to publicly denounce the recent aggression against our brothers and sisters, support bases of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, by the members of the organization ORCAO (Regional Organization of Coffee Growers of Ocosingo) against the BAEZLN communities of San Jacinto, El Egipto, Kexil and El Rosario, in the Autonomous Municipality of San Manuel.

The members of ORCAO arrived on the 25th of July, armed to take the reclaimed land, firing into the air, building roofs and threatening the 3 BAEZLN communities. On July 30, they came to poison the collective livestock of the autonomous municipality and wounded a young bull. Following the harassment, the armed group returned on the 1st of August, to attack the BAEZLN village of El Egipto. The women and children had to withdraw to another Zapatista settlement to avoid having to face the group. About 5 days later, they returned to cut down a tree, firing into the air close to two Zapatista communities.

Finally, on the 14th of August, in the very early morning, ORCAO paramilitaries surrounded the town of San Jacinto and fired into the houses, awakening the sleeping BAEZLN compas who had to take refuge in the other Zapatista village leaving behind all their belongings.

We vigorously denounce this intense violation of human rights, harassment, persecution and repression, and we denounce the direct strategy of the bad government against the Zapatistas, to counter the new Zapatista initiatives proposed during the exchange between the Indigenous National Congress and the EZLN. As the HRC Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas stated, this is a war of counterinsurgency being pursued by the bad state and federal government and their business allies against the Zapatistas.

We are well aware of this strategy which affects several regions of Chiapas, and we also do not forget the attack on our sisters and brothers from La Realidad, the murder of our companero Galeano, and the destruction of the clinic and school of the community on May 2nd, perpetrated by paramilitaries from CIOAC-H.

That is a direct attack against Zapatista autonomy, as the Zapatistas are becoming stronger, we realise more and more that the construction of Zapatista autonomy, which is this other world that they are building, is working and walking. Likewise we also become stronger and more organised, and the plans of the bad government will not be enough to stop the progress of the Zapatistas.

 

SOLIDARITY WITH THE ZAPATISTA PEOPLES

LONG LIVE THE COMPAS OF THE EZLN

IF YOU TOUCH ONE OF US YOU TOUCH ALL OF US

 

THE OTHER MEXICO
Consejo Autónomo Regional de la Zona Costa de Chiapas
Frente Civico Tonalteco
Centro de Derechos Humanos Digna Ochoa AC
Colectivo de Mujeres “Tejiendo Resistencias en La Sexta”
Comunidad Autónoma Ernesto Guevara de la Serna, Puebla.
Sector de Trabajadores Adherentes a la Sexta
DOCTORS FOR GLOBAL HEALTH-MEXICO
Colectivo Azcapotzalco adherente a la Sexta
Kolectivo de BoCa En BoCa
Pozol Kolectivo
Colectivo Radio Zapatista, Chiapas, México
Colectivo Votán Zapata
La Sexta del totonacapan
Colectivo Autónomo de Colaboración Social, Toluca, México
Biblioteca Popular

THE OTHER EUROPA
Asociacion Espoir Chiapas/ Esperanza Chiapas (Francia)
Comitato Chiapas “Maribel” – Bergamo (Italia)
ASSI (Acción Social Sindical Internacionalista
20zln – Milano – Italia
Groupe CafeZ, Liège Belgique
Casa Nicaragua”, Liège, Belgique.
Associació Solidaria Cafè Rebeldía-Infoespai, Barcelona
Rl Centro de Documentación sobre Zapatismo -CEDOZ
Caracol Zaragoza
Gruppe B.A.S.T.A., Münster, Alemania
Alternative Libertaire (France)
UK Zapatista Solidarity Network:
Dorset Chiapas Solidarity Group
Edinburgh Chiapas Solidarity Group
Kiptik (Bristol)
London Mexico Solidarity Group
Manchester Zapatista Collective
UK Zapatista Translation Service
UK Zapatista Learning and Teaching Collective
Zapatista Solidarity Group – Essex
La Adhesiva, Barcelona.
CGT Estado Español
Union syndicale Solidaires, France
Fédération SUD éducation, France
Fédération anarchiste (France)
Comité Tierra Y Libertad, Lille France
Réseau Latino de Lille, France,
Caracol Solidario, Besançon, Francia
Associazione Ya Basta NordEst
asociación Mut Viyz 13 de Marseille, Francia
Les Grains de sable, Francia

 

THE OTHER UNITED STATES
Colectivo de la Red de Solidaridad con México
Chicago, Illinois, EEUU
Mexico Solidarity Network collective
Chicago, Illinois, USA

 

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August 20, 2014

Frayba: Counterinsurgency Continues to Operate in Chiapas

Filed under: Frayba, Human rights, Indigenous, Zapatista — Tags: — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:30 pm

 

Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Centre

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, México

August 18, 2014

Pronouncement  

Counterinsurgency Continues to Operate in Chiapas

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The federal and state governments have demonstrated their disdain towards the original peoples of Mexico from one presidential term to the next. In this phase of neoliberal capitalism their policy of dispossession for implementing projects that carry with them the disappearance of forms of social, political and cultural organization of communities and peoples, resistances that are the breath of human diversity. One example of this are the peoples organized in the National Indigenous Congress. (1)

Since the conception of neoliberalism, poverty is greater and a juicy business for governments and national and international investors. Poverty as State policy represents the pretext for exploitation and looting of the peoples. By means of the North American Free trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP), the Mesoamerica Project (formerly the Plan Puebla-Panamá) and also the military and territorial control strategy through the Security Agenda Plan contemplated in the North American Security and Prosperity Alliance (NASPA), the governments of the Alliance (United States, Canada and Mexico) close the pincers.

In recent months, the unresolved Internal Armed Conflict in Chiapas has been characterized by continuous aggression towards the Bases of Support of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (BAEZLN, their initials in Spanish) with the actions of some regional social organizations at the service of the State that, since various years ago, are disputing recuperated lands. Several of these social organizations have impelled their leaders to become public officials and servants, in many cases betraying the principles from which they emerged, subjecting their plans for struggle to the government budgets and interests. In Chiapas, the integral war of wear and tear persists towards the peoples who struggle and resist, using media tactics that include the use of concepts of human rights, inter-cultural activities, collective rights of indigenous peoples and emptying them of content.

There is continuity in the state government’s posture in a public discourse about the recognition and respect for the autonomous communities, the Good Government Juntas and the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), as a media action, in opposition to the absence of direct actions to change the situation of constant risk in which the Zapatista communities live, especially those displaced and threatened like San Marcos Aviles and Comandante Abel.

The Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Centre has made constant interventions before the gravity of attacks on BAEZLN and the response has been governmental parsimony and its inability to act. This attitude of indifference maintains and provokes conflicts that are called inter-community as a way of hiding the counterinsurgency. The objective is to generate fatigue among the population that resists, that struggles, that is transforming their reality from their culture and their rights.

The events that occurred in La Realidad on May 2 are evidence of the counterinsurgency in Chiapas: a strategy of provocation and repeated attack towards the EZLN and its Support Bases, with paramilitary actions like the murder of José Luis Solis López, Galeano, a teacher at the Zapatista Escuelita, with rage, by means of machetes, blows, firearms, including the coup de grace, and the destruction of the autonomous school and clinic.

The latest acts documented by this Center, about the attacks on the BAEZLN from the communities of Egipto and El Rosario (2) confirm the climate of constant aggression and provocation that operates behind each celebration of a space for dialogue and meeting, like the Sharing (Exchange) with the National Indigenous Congress on August 4-9 in La Realidad.

These acts represent a new attack on the project of Zapatista autonomy, with the pretension of eroding the construction of systemic change that they are impelling from below, walking projects of life from the community and the collectivity, from the concept of good living.

This Human Rights Centre keeps documentation of the attacks on the Zapatistas and the denunciation that corresponds to the human rights violations. We will continue accompanying the peoples that demand the rights that belong to them and that, due to hidden interests, seek to take them away. We repeat our call for national and international solidarity to show their support for the threatened BAEZLN. (3)
(1). Declaraciones del Congreso Nacional Indígena (CNI), available in Spanish here: http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2014/08/16/1a-declaracion-de-la-comparticion-cni-ezln-sobre-la-represion-a-nuestros-pueblos/
(2). Boletín de Prensa “Desplazamiento de Bases zapatistas ante riego de ataque”, available in Spanish here: http://www.frayba.org.mx/archivo/boletines/140803_boletin_22_desplazamiento_baez.pdf
(3). Frayba  Urgent Action “Amenazas de muerte, hostigamiento con arma de fuego, desplazamiento forzado y agresiones a Bases de Apoyo Zapatistas”, available in Spanish here: http://frayba.org.mx/archivo/acciones_urgentes/140613_au_3_bazeln.pdf

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Originally Published in Spanish by the

Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Centre

San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, Mexico

Monday, August 18, 2014

 

http://www.frayba.org.mx/archivo/boletines/140818_pronunciamiento_contrainsurgencia.pdf

 

With many thanks to our companera for her translation

 

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Mexico’s Political Prisoners

Filed under: Political prisoners — Tags: , , , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 11:47 am

 

Mexico’s Political Prisoners

Luis Hernández Navarro

La Jornada, 19th August, 2014

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Adam Smith is a Democratic Congressman from the state of Washington in the United States. On August fifth he reported on a meeting he had with Anthony Wayne, his country’s ambassador to Mexico, in which he asked him to pressure the authorities of Guerrero to free Nestora Salgado immediately.

This is not the first time that Congressman Smith has advocated for Salgado. On the thirteenth of April he sent a letter to the Secretary of State, John Kerry, asking him to demand of the Mexican government guarantees for due process and better care of Nestora, because “her jail conditions are deplorable”.

Two months later he insisted upon the matter once again. On the sixteenth of June, in a statement from the School of Law of Seattle University in Washington, Smith warned: “I am worried about Nestora’s detention and I am outraged by the reports of the deplorable detention conditions and treatment that violate her human rights.”

Nestora Salgado, the woman the Congressman is advocating for, is commander of the community police of Olinalá, in the La Montaña region of Guerrero. She was unjustly detained on the twenty-first of August of 2013 under the false accusation of aggravated kidnapping. She was transferred to the maximum security prison in Tepic, 3,000 kilometres [1,864 miles] from her town.

Congressman Smith’s demand for her freedom is not capricious. Nestora has ties to the state of Washington. When she was 20 years old she went to the United States with her husband as a bracera [guest worker], without immigration documents. She worked hard as a maid, cleaning houses and as a nanny in Washington, until she obtained legal residence in 2000 and became a citizen in 2008. She is a resident not only of Olinalá, but also of the city of Renton in King County.

Back in Olinalá, Nestora encountered the climate of public insecurity that is devastating La Montaña and the government’s involvement with the criminals. Instead of standing around doing nothing, she organized the town to take on the problem. She formed a citizen police force and made the crime rate fall 90 percent in 10 months. On the fifteenth of November of 2012, Governor Ángel Aguirre Rivero took a picture with her and called the efforts of the town’s inhabitants heroic.

But Nestora made a “mistake”. First, without hesitation, she denounced the threats that partners of corrupt politicians were making to local business owners so that they would stop selling materials and goods, to thus monopolize the market. Then she published a statement in which she denounced the involvement of the mayor and other public servants in drug trafficking. The commander’s challenge ended up being unacceptable.

Salgado is not the only commander of the Guerrero community police that is imprisoned. Since a year ago when in Guerrero the operations against the Regional Coordinating Committee of Community Authorities-Community Police (CRAC) began, at least 10 of their members have found themselves in similar circumstances and for similar reasons. That is the case of Gonzalo Molina, Bernardino García, Arturo Campos and the opponent of the La Parota dam, Marco Antonio Suástegui.

Doctor José Manuel Mireles Valverde, leader of the Michoacán self-defence groups, was sent a little further away than Nestora: to the federal prison in Hermosillo, Sonora. He is accused of carrying firearms exclusively permitted for military use and of an offense against health, under the category of drug dealing, for the simple possession of marijuana and cocaine.

The truth is that, as Commissioner Alfredo Castillo and Secretary of Government Relations Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong have declared, Dr Mireles is in prison for not having fulfilled the agreements made in May, signed by the federal government and the self-defence groups. That is, he refused to demobilize and disarm.

Dr Mireles defines himself as a political prisoner. His lawyer, Talía Vázquez, agrees with him. As she explained to journalist Sanjuana Martínez: “The one who did not follow any of the agreements was Castillo. He did not free the 517 prisoners from the self-defence groups, just in Michoacán. And, above all, he neither carried out the arrest of La Tuta nor re-established the rule of law. Nothing happened. The one who broke the pact was Alfredo Castillo and not Dr Mireles. This also shows that he is a political prisoner.”

Along with Dr Mireles, 319 other self-defence group members from Michoacán have been imprisoned. Their true crime was guaranteeing security for themselves and their families, at the risk of their own lives, before the omission (or the open complicity) of the State.

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NOMÁSPRESOSPOLÍTICOSPUEBLA

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The list of jailed social warriors goes far beyond those who come from the ranks of the community police or the self-defence groups of Guerrero and Michoacán. On April sixth Enedina Rosas, commissioner of the ejido of San Felipe Xonacayuca, in Puebla, was arrested. Just two days later they arrested Juan Carlos Flores, the spokesman of the Front of Towns in Defence of Water and Land, Morelos, Puebla and Tlaxcala, and Abraham Cordero, a member of Those from Below and the Campesino Front of the Valley of Texmelucan and Sierra Nevada. They are being accused of ridiculous charges. The reason they are behind bars is that they opposed the implementation of the Comprehensive Morelos Project, which involves the construction of a thermoelectric power station and a gas pipeline that crosses Puebla, Tlaxcala and Morelos, near the base of the Popocatépetl volcano.

Mixe activist Damián Gallardo has been imprisoned for 15 months in the El Salto high security prison in Jalisco. Under torture, he was forced to confess that he had kidnapped two minors in Oaxaca. He was not the only one. Mario Olivera Osorio, Sara Altamirano Ramos, Leonel Manzano Sosa and Lauro Grijalva are being accused of the same crime. The authorities got the “self-incriminations” out of them the same way they got one out of Damián.

The list of social leaders unjustly arrested is much longer. The jails of Mexico are full of political prisoners.

Translated by Sally Seward

 

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August 19, 2014

Frayba denounces a counterinsurgency strategy against the EZLN in Chiapas

Filed under: Frayba, Zapatista — Tags: — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 7:14 pm

Frayba denounces a counterinsurgency strategy against the EZLN in Chiapas

Isaín Mandujano
Proceso, August 18, 2014

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Zapatistas in Oventic. Photo by Germán Canseco

Zapatistas in Oventic. Photo by Germán Canseco

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Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas. – The Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Human Rights Centre (Frayba) denounced today that the support bases of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (BAEZLN) are subjected to a systematic aggression from regional social organizations in the service of the State, in a type of counterinsurgency strategy.

In a statement, the civilian agency said in this state “a comprehensive war of attrition persists against the peoples who struggle and resist, using media tactics which include the use of human rights concepts, [such as] multiculturalism, and the collective rights of indigenous peoples, emptying them of meaning.”

According to Frayba, “there is a continuity in the position of the state government in its public discourse about recognition and respect for the autonomous communities and the Good Government Juntas and the EZLN, as a media action, as opposed to the absence of direct action to change the situation of constant risk experienced by the residents of Zapatista communities, especially those who are displaced and threatened such as San Marcos Avilés and Comandante Abel.”

In the view of Frayba, the developments reported in La Realidad on May 2 are evidence of counterinsurgency in Chiapas:

“A strategy of provocation and repeated attack against the EZLN and their support bases, with paramilitary actions such as the vicious killing of José Luis Solís Lopez, Galeano, teacher at the Escuelita Zapatista, with machete blows, firearms, including the coup de grace, and the destruction of the autonomous school and clinic.”

The latest events documented by Frayba are the attacks on the communities of Egipto and El Rosario, which confirm the climate of constant aggression and provocation, and which were launched after each holding of space for dialogue and exchange, with the Indigenous National Congress, held from 4 to 9 August in La Realidad.

These actions represent a new onslaught on the Zapatista project of autonomy, with the aim of undermining the construction of a change of system which they are promoting from below, “walking projects of life from the community and the collective, from the conception of living well”.

Nevertheless, Frayba warned that it will continue to document attacks on the Zapatistas and correspondingly to denounce human rights violations; in addition, it will accompany the “people who demand the rights that belong to them, which for obscure interests they try to take from them.”

http://www.proceso.com.mx/?p=379840

 

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August 18, 2014

Second part of EZLN Press Conference: the Words of Subcomandante Insurgente Moises

Filed under: Zapatista — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 7:50 pm

 

Second part of EZLN Press Conference: the Words of Subcomandante Insurgente Moises

AUGUST, 2014

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Well, compañeros, compañeras, you heard what Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano said. This is what we see; this is what we think.

We need one another’s strength, because if we understand how life is, then we must also understand that we need to link ourselves together.

You saw and heard some of the other compañeros who were here as part of the free media but also part of the CNI. Now you [from the free media] should have an exchange amongst yourselves, because sharing in an exchange is not the same thing as speaking without having listened.

It is through sharing that we realize that we have to link ourselves together, that we have to grab onto each other’s hands.

The question is, as we asked the compañeros of the National Indigenous Congress, what is it that we have to grab onto together, indigenous and non-indigenous people, can we speak in one voice? Yes. The [indigenous] compañeros understand the life of those who are not indigenous. So how will we do this? How will we struggle?

In other words, our already large task is even greater, and we think that it is even more difficult for those who live in the city, although it is also hard for those of us who live in communities, like those of the National Indigenous Congress. At least in the communities there is still a life in common, but in the cities there isn’t.

There, in the city, behind the fences where one lives, people don’t know their neighbour’s problems, sometimes they don’t even know who their neighbour is. Even sharing three walls—I might live here, and some other neighbour lives over there, and someone else over there—my neighbour isn’t concerned about what is happening with me and I am not concerned with him or her. One after another people live like that.

And so it is a very large task, especially given what is coming, what the compas call “the coming beast.” But among all of us we will destroy it. The question we have to answer then is: how can we do this work? That’s what we think. We are not asking you to become indigenous, but you also shouldn’t ask us to think like or be like the people who live in the city.

No. Each of us struggles, but we are united. Remember what the late SubMarcos used to say: for all we have heard and all the listening we have done in the different caracoles where we have held encounters, and where we have tried to determine and say what is  most important, even then—certainly it has happened multiple times here—we don’t manage to create an agreement. Everyone thinks they have the best idea and there is no agreement because everyone wants their particular idea to be accepted. But for us compañeros, all that we can do is see what works, and we can only figure this out if we listen and observe.

So some of you saw—those of you who had already arrived during the last session, the closing of the CNI—the compañeros were thinking that someone would officially close the conference. But we hadn’t decided that; those who witnessed this saw that it was the compañeros themselves who closed the congress, we hadn’t arranged this beforehand.

So you who were here saw that someone came up thinking to himself, “oh, I want to say something too.” He started off with something adequate for the exchange part of the conference, but people realized this wasn’t the time and place for that, that this was the closing. Soon they got things back on track and closed the exchange. Why? Because this was the will of the compañeros of the assembly, and it is the assembly members who have to close the assembly. These are just some examples of what I’m talking about.

We have to figure out what works best and what assures that we feel that we are all equal. None of this business of “I am the most important, or he is the most important.” We don’t think that works. We think this exchange has been an example of how we can do this among ourselves. This is how we go about figuring out how this thing we call a new world is going to be.

We have to continue to work on this. As the compañeros of the National Indigenous Congress said: yes, we need to share our experiences, and not only among indigenous people. We also need to share with the compañeros and compañeras of the national and international Sixth. Then we have to figure out how will we share. And we also have to think about those who aren’t part of the Sixth, how will we share with them?

That is, how will we respect one another? How will we construct this respect? Because respect is something that we have to build, just as we are doing right now. And I think that we have to provide this example – the compañeros and compañeras of the Sixth in the city, and the compañeros and compañeras of the Sixth in the rural areas – when we come together: to feel as one without losing what we are. Rather, we unite in order to build this world that we want.

For example, when we were preparing for this exchange with the compañero bases of support, they thought that (we as authorities) were going to tell them “this is what you are going to be doing.” But no, we had an assembly right where you are sitting now, and ideas started to emerge until we found what felt right, as the compas say, and from that we determined the points to be covered.

But tons of ideas emerged in the meantime until together everyone said, “this is it.” That process enriched our ideas so much. For example, our compañeros said: in Leninist Marxism they say that the primary base of capitalism is the means of production, and that is land – or what we call mother earth. But the compañeros disagreed.

And we asked them, why not? Because, [they said], we know that capitalism thinks of the land this way, and these guys did us the favour of writing down this idea, but we have to understand that our struggle is to say, hell no! We are not going to allow land to be the means of production for capital.

And so what came out of the conversation for those of us who were sitting here then was that the land, mother earth, is the fundamental basis of life for living beings.

“So, let’s see, compañerocompañera, how would you make this argument?”

“Yes,” they said, “because in the country and the city, human beings live on the land, and everything on the land and under it, down to the bugs and worms, is the basis of life. Why would we allow these beasts [capitalists] to come and destroy it?”

And the discussion continued:

“Oh shit! How are we going to do this? Because we are saying that this is their means of production and that we have to take it away from them.”

That’s what we said, because you might remember in one of the encuentros in CIDECI, the late SubMarcos presented a discussion about a can of coke, and in that discussion we said that whatever is a means of production for us we have to take back. And so how are we going to communicate to the compas from the CNI that we have to understand that we must take back the means of production. And so we started to discuss this again. The problem that we face here is has to do with who has the best lands and who takes all of the richness that the land possesses. That is the point from which we began the discussion.

“Well, it is the transnational corporations and the landowners that take the land’s richness, and that is why we need to get rid of them.”

We do have to get rid of them, but now all of us who live on this earth, on mother earth, have to care for it. And there are compañeros who said:

“Yes, because think how many tons of excrement those who live in the cities produce and release into the river, contaminating it. And the businessmen have completely screwed mother earth.”

But okay, that is just a little part of our conversation, so that you can see how rich it is when we share our ideas in common. I am telling you this because you need to have exchanges. I don’t know how you will do it; it requires organization, work, and thought.

But I think that in the space where the compañeros have already agreed to work together, in the space created as compañeros and compañeras of the Sixth, this can be organized, and everyone will have to struggle to communicate their struggle there.

You can sense when someone is communicating what they have observed or worked on or lived with the people. And you can tell the difference between that and someone who presumptuously starts from: “the thing is that I,” or that “he” or that “she” and so on. That is, you can tell when an individual is being glorified, but this isn’t really how things work. This is what we have been discussing among ourselves in the CNI, that what we have to do is strengthen the way we were before, to truly represent the compañeros and compañeras.

Because they still exist. It is true that capitalism wants to destroy them completely, but it hasn’t been able to. Yes, it has been able to destroy a lot, because it is doing its job.

And so we believe that something has to come, another task. You shouldn’t think that we [the authorities] planned this exchange. We didn’t plan it; the compañeros and compañeras did it themselves. The compañeros shared this fact near the closing of the assembly.

And this also is something that we want to share with you, the free media, because we realize that when our bases, our people, speak, all that we have to do is support and assist them so that others can see the fruits of their participation.

This is what we were doing here, passing on what we call the inheritance. And the only inheritance that we have to pass on is about how to work and to take care for things is our organization as the EZLN and our autonomy.

So then, the compañeros and compañeras said “you are forgetting something, because we don’t know what we are going to do with respect to this,” talking about the Other Campaign. And that reminded us that we needed to say something about the Other. And so we said to them:

“Well, its better if you do it. Our hope for the Other is that the people organize themselves so that one day it is the people who command, that is, that others do what you are already doing. So you have to share this with our compañeros from the Sixth, with those who do the work of the Sixth. The Other was a campaign that we carried out, that is why it was called the Other Campaign. But with regard to those who actually do the work of what is called the Sixth, which is to organize themselves, struggle, and be anticapitalist, you are the ones who have to share with these compañeros and compañeras.

This is what we were discussing, among everyone, and that is where this idea came from.

“Well, then, we have to have a little school,” the compas said.

And that is how the idea was born, and we decided that we would call it ‘the little school’ because that is how the compañeros thought about it, as a little thing, a little school. And so we were going to give it a try, we were going to do it. And yes, it helped a lot, and many of the compañeros and compañeras, the students who came, now have another way of thinking because they saw things here with their own eyes, not because someone told it to them, not because they saw it in a film, but because they lived it during those hours that they were here.

And so certainly these compañero and compañera students who came, maybe they want to share something with us.

That is how we see it.

But often when we have this type of exchange, sometimes it gets quiet for a few minutes and then we start to ask questions about all of the things that we have already discussed. What did we see? What do we think? What do we believe?

So now, compañeros who were here as part of the National Indigenous Congress and those who listened again now, how did you see things? What do you think? And to the media who came and listened to what the compañeros presented in the closing, maybe you have some questions, so that through your questions we can help and clarify whatever isn’t clear. So if you have questions, ask them, and if not that means that everything was clear…or that you didn’t understand anything.

(End of Sub Moisés’ intervention. The questions and interventions of the free media and the comp@s from the world Sixth who were present followed.)

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(Transcription of the original audio by the “Odd Ones Out,” [Los Tercios Compas])

Copyleft: “los tercios compas” August 12, 2014. In vitro reproduction, vehicular circulation, and wasteful consumption permitted.

 

Translated by  El Kilombo Intergaláctico

 

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