dorset chiapas solidarity

November 24, 2014

Mexico: Attorney General’s Office Charges with Serious Crimes 11 Arbitrarily Detained People #20novmx

Filed under: Repression — Tags: — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 8:02 pm


Mexico: Attorney General’s Office Charges with Serious Crimes 11 Arbitrarily Detained People #20novmx

By: Eréndira Derbez and Gisela Martínez. Translation by Diana Soto.

Mexico City, november 23rd.- Yesterday, the Attorney General’s Office (PGR) relocated the 11 people who were arbitrarily detained in the downtown area of Mexico City in the context of actions in solidarity with Ayotzinapa, on November 20th. These actions demand the presentation of the 43 education students who were forcibly disappeared by the municipal police of Iguala, Guerrero.

After being detained for 18 hours by the Assistant Attorney General for Special Investigations and Organized Crime (SEIDO, a department of the PGR), 3 women and 8 men were accused of criminal conduct, rioting, and attempted manslaughter according to the preliminary investigation labelled PGR/SEIDO/UEITA/194/2014. This document was signed by the Federal Public Prosecution Minister, SinuéDomínguez Campos, who reports to the Specialized Unit of Investigations on Terrorism, and Arm Stockpiling and Trafficking.

According to the collected data, the 11 people were beaten up prior to being arbitrarily detained, and there is no evidence that they had committed any crimes; some of them did not even participate in the marching demonstration which departed from three points of the city, Ángel de la independencia, Monumento a la Revolución, and the Plaza de las Tres Culturas de Tlatelolco. Nonetheless, the police detained them only for being in the downtown area, for non-protest-related reasons.

Lawyers, organizations, and family members filed an official complaint for egregious violations to the judicial process. The detentions were arbitrary and the arrestees were brought to the Public Prosecutor more than 12 hours after their detentions (during this time their family members and friends did not know their location). The arrestees were also prevented from being able to access their civil right to adequate legal counsel: the PGR kept them in isolation, impeded them from talking to their personal lawyers and assigned them public defense lawyers instead.

While in isolation, the families had no knowledge about the arrestees’heath conditions, whether or not they had received medical attention, or if an official evaluation about their physical conditions had been conducted at the time they entered SEIDO facilities.

Once the detainees were assigned a jurisdiction for their cases, they were relocated to federal jails. Women were put in the female jail of Tepic, in the state of Nayarit (where the drug trafficker known as the “Queen of the Pacific”was imprisoned), and the men were relocated to the federal jail of Villa Aldama, in the state of Veracruz.

Most of those who have been imprisoned in the federal facilities express that they are exposed to human rights violations —their treatment is cruel, dehumanizing, and humiliating; this is contrary to the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners published by the United Nations and more broadly of the Human Rights Declaration.

According to the Comite Cerezo, the protocol of entry into prison consists of stripping the detainees, anal exploration, squats, intimidation with police dogs, shouting, insults, and even forced water consumption having an effect similar to water boarding.

Furthermore, the distance between Mexico City and the areas of relocation in Nayarit and Veracruz increase the difficulty of the judicial defense. Contact with their families is broken and this too breaks with international normative standards.

Who are the eleven detainees?

1.- Tania Ivón Damián Rojas: 21 years old, 3rd semester student majoring in sociology at the National Autonomous University (UNAM). According to her family members, the complaint is that she was beaten by federal police agents (she has bruises on her arms and contusions on the right eye).

2.- Hillary AnalíGonzález Olguín: Political science student at UNAM. The complaint is that she was brutally beaten, her ribs are injured, there is an internal hemorrhage in her eye, and her face was hit. According to her family, federal police agents threw her on the floor and kicked her.

Her mom declared: “I spent almost 24 hours looking for my daughter. Her only crime was to demand justice.”

3.- Liliana Garduño Ortega: Continuing studies high-school student, single mother. She was taking pictures near Zócalo (the main square) when she was pushed by a group of people who were running from the police. She was then grabbed by police agents who kicked her head when she was knocked to the floor. She has severe contusions.

4.- Isaac Domínguez Ayala: 31 years old, former student of Psychology at UNAM. He was arbitrarily detained during the November 20th operation conducted by Federal and the Mexico City police. Some family members report that no one has been able to see him (as of 12pm, November 22nd); there is no information about his health situation, and he was not allowed to choose legal aid.

Isaac works at Revolución Hotel. The last time he was in communication with his family, he said he would join the march demonstration in the company of Atzin (also a detainee). He was wearing a blue and yellow shirt; out of fear, when he was detained, he gave the false name of Ramón (this is the name that appears in the detainees lists).

5.-Laurence Maxwell Ilabaca: 47 years old, he is a PhD student at UNAM getting a degree in Spanish literature. Besides being a musician, he had the nickname of “Moro”(The Moor). He was detained while buying tamales. He did not participate in the march demonstration. His migratory situation is complicated given that he is a citizen of Chile and could be deported. The Chilean Embassy has not provided consular advisory and his lawyer was assigned by the local authorities; he has not been allowed to change for a lawyer of his own.

6.-Atzín Andrade González: 29 years old, art student at La Esmeralda, school of the National Institute of Fine Arts (INBA). He was part of his school’s marching group, however he got lost during the march and then was cornered in the area of conflict. He was detained in the Zócalo. He was hit on the legs which prevents him from walking well.

7.-Hugo Bautista Hernández: 22 years old, 3rd semester student at UNAM, majoring in sociology. His family states that while he was detained, he was brutally hit by agents of the Mexico City police and the Federal police. His ribs and one of his eyes are severely injured.

8.- Juan Daniel López Ávila: 18 years old, he is a member of the Guelatao Cooperative and the Independent Popular Front Francisco Villa (FPFVI).

9.-Luis Carlos Pichardo Moreno: 45 years old. Graduate from Film University (Centro de Estudios Cinematográficos).

10.-Roberto César Jasso del Ángel: 20 years old, student from Ecatepec in Mexico state.

11.-Francisco García Martínez: we have no information.


Dorset Chiapas Solidarity


Mexico Government’s Arbitrary Arrests and Criminalization of Protest on Nov. 20

Filed under: Repression — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 7:51 pm


Mexico Government’s Arbitrary Arrests and Criminalization of Protest on Nov. 20


You cannot silence a whole country

You cannot silence a whole country


La Jornada, Opinion, 23rd November, 2014

 The Attorney General’s Office confirmed yesterday that it had sent to maximum security prisons in Nayarit and Veracruz 11 detainees from the demonstration on November 20 in the Center of Mexico City, held to protest the 43 normal school students Iguala who were disappeared nearly two months ago in Iguala, Guerrero.Among those detained, accused of crimes that include attempted murder, conspiracy and riot, are students and activists like Laurence Maxwell Ilabaca, a Chilean citizen, who, according to the Foreign Ministry of his country, had no part in the confrontations between protesters and riot police, and the visual arts student Atzin Andrade Gonzalez, whose arrest was videotaped and broadcast on social networks. Their arrrests are part of the cluster of abuses and arbitrary arrests committed by the capital police during the events last Thursday.

It is regrettable, first of all, that a protest for a crime committed by a police force, as is the case in the murder and disappearance of the student teachers in Iguala on September 26, is reinforced with abuse by authorities against innocent citizens. The arbitrary and baseless arrests result in a violation of the law by those in charge of seeing that it prevails, weakens the rule of law, accelerates the discrediting of government institutions and increases the discontent already traversing the country.

Moreover, as reprehensible as is repeated police abuse against innocent citizens, the inability of the police to distinguish between innocent people and possible suspects, and the unjustified detention of random people, it is even more reprehensible that citizens who are arrested in these circumstances receive treatment similar to that of murderers, drug traffickers and kidnappers, and that they are sent to federal prisons with unusual speed by the institutions that administer the enforcement of justice.

In this regard, it cannot be ignored that, in the two days since the repressive excesses of the capital and federal police during the historic demonstration on Thursday, the federal government has made statements trying to justify the excessive use of force and to criminalize social protest at a time when the sum of indignation that traverses the country has been articulated regarding the demand for the search for and finding of the 43 normal school students kidnapped in Iguala.

As can be seen, this trend has moved from words to deeds, while the arbitrariness with which the police acted to disperse the crowd and the actions of the prosecutors who consigned the detainees cannot be understood as anything other than a means of intimidating those who have participated in these mass actions and of inhibiting the realization of future demonstrations.

Such a perspective is unacceptable, because it would reveal a government that has not only been unable to provide a single hard and credible piece of information on the whereabouts of the 43 missing students, but also that is beginning to focus more on silencing and suppressing expressions of discontent aroused by that crime than to clarify it.

 Dorset Chiapas Solidarity
Translated by Reed Brundage

November 23, 2014

“Letter against repression and criminalisation of civil protests in Mexico”

Filed under: Human rights, Political prisoners, Repression — Tags: — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 11:54 am


“Letter against repression and criminalisation of civil protests in Mexico”




“Letter against repression and criminalisation of civil protests in Mexico”

November 22nd, 2014

Enrique Peña Nieto
President of Mexico

Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong
Ministry of the Interior

Jesús Murillo Karam
Attorney General

Special Rapporteurship for Freedom of Expression
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
Organization of American States

To the international community

To the general public,

We wish to express our deepest alarm and anger over the repressive actions that the government of Mexico has systematically demonstrated in response to the public unrest generated by the disappearance of the 43 students from Ayotzinapa’s Teacher’s College.

President Enrique Peña Nieto’s statements about using state forces on November 19th, and the excesses committed by the anti-riot police and other security bodies against the peaceful civilian demonstration on November 20th, constitute ominous signs that threaten the peaceful development of the citizens’ protest movement. Legitimate public outrage and mobilization movements in response to violence and impunity in Mexico are a direct consequence of the inefficiency of the Justice apparatus and a lack of confidence in the security forces. It is obvious that the same apparatus, deeply involved in corruption scandals, is incapable of offering a political solution to the conflict that the country is going through. For these reasons, the Global Network #AyotzinapaSomosTodos and the signatories below make the following demands and points:

1. We alert governments, media and international organizations to the risks involved in criminalizing and repressing civil protests in Mexico. The use of State forces is not the solution to the political unrest that the country is experiencing, and this approach only increases Human Rights violations and conflicts between citizens and the government as well as violating the citizenry’s rights of political expression.

2. Claims made by government officials that the social movement and its media are part of a destabilization campaign are very disturbing and must be rejected.

3. We support the intervention of the Inter-American Human Rights Commission of the OAS in the cases of extrajudicial killings and disappearances in Mexico. The international Community must demand that the Mexican government respect the human rights treaties it has signed.

4. We demand the immediate release of the demonstrators who were arbitrarily arrested on November 20th, 2014, during the peaceful demonstration in Mexico City’s Central Square. We demand that the charges the judicial apparatus has filed against these citizens be retracted and that the authorities stop their transfer to remote prisons where they do not have legal assistance. We firmly denounce violations of the judicial process, including the hindering of defense attorneys from seeing their clients and providing proof of their innocence. The liberation of political prisoners is crucial for the restoration of the credibility of Mexican institutions.

We urge a fast response from the authorities and the recipients of this letter.

Thank you,

The signatories below.


Sign here:


Dorset Chiapas Solidarity



November 22, 2014

Faces of Dispossession Campaign Launches in Chiapas

Filed under: Displacement, Ethics, Frayba, Human rights, Indigenous, San Marcos Aviles — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:51 pm



Faces of Dispossession Campaign Launches in Chiapas

By Elio Henriquez correspondent

La Jornada, 13 November 2014


In the picture, Alma Padilla from the Centre for Women's Rights in Chiapas; Azalia Rodriguez, spokeswoman for Frayba and Victor Hugo Lopez, director of Frayba. Photo Elio Henriquez

In the picture, Alma Padilla from the Centre for Women’s Rights in Chiapas; Azalia Rodriguez, spokeswoman for Frayba and Victor Hugo Lopez, director of Frayba. Photo Elio Henriquez


San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas. Seven organizations which defend human rights in Chiapas and different indigenous communities, today launched the Faces of Dispossession campaign, which seeks to “make visible the ways in which native peoples are violently evicted from their territories.”

Víctor Hugo López Rodríguez, director of the Fray Bartolome de Las Casas Human Rights Centre (Frayba), one of the groups involved in the campaign, said it also aims to “reflect the serious human rights violations which cause the forced displacement, extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances and lack of access to justice” which “constitutes a pattern of impunity resulting from the implementation of the Plan Chiapas 94 as a strategy of war against the people who build alternatives to the neoliberal system of death.”

At the press conference, he said that among the actions to be performed are sending letters and documents to the federal and state governments to “remind them that many cases of forced displacement have gone unpunished.”

He added that there is planned for 10th December  a “simultaneous worldwide international action include letter writing, demonstrations in Mexican embassies abroad, marches and pilgrimages.”

He said that actions are planned through social networks with the dissemination of information, communication of the families with individuals and groups from other parts of the world, a graphic campaign with posters; visits to embassies and offices of the federal government together with the forcibly displaced.

He said that the campaign will last for about six months, during which time there will also be pilgrimages, marches, days of prayer and fasting performed, organized by communities affected by forced displacement, which “try to visualize their case and make a bridge with what is currently happening in the country, like the chaos in Ayotizanapa, Guerrero.”

He said that in March or April the second phase of the campaign will begin with the theme of projects and infrastructure, those who “seek to dispossess the territory of indigenous communities.”

López Rodríguez said that the campaign started today because it coincides with the eighth anniversary of the “massacre” which occurred on November 13, 2006 in the community of Viejo Velasco, Ocosingo, where six people were murdered, 36 remain displaced and two more are reported as missing.

He noted that in addition to this case, the campaign will include that of Banavil, municipality of Tenejapa, where four years ago 7 people were displaced, who to date have been unable to return, and that of San Marcos Avilés, Chilón, where over a hundred people who returned four years ago, continue to receive threats of expulsion.

The organizations leading the campaign are: la Casa de la Mujer Ixim Antsetic, A.C; el Centro de Derechos Indígenas A.C; el Centro de Derechos de la Mujer de Chiapas, A.C; el Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Pedro Lorenzo de la Nada, A.C;  Frayba; el Comité de Defensa de las Libertades Indígenas (CDLI–Xi´nich) and Salud y Desarrollo Comunitario A.C.


Dorset Chiapas Solidarity






Movement in Defence of Life and Territory calls a Press Conference

Filed under: Uncategorized — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:20 pm


Movement in Defence of Life and Territory calls a Press Conference


In defence of life, in Suyul

In defence of life, in Suyul

November 20, 2014

Press Conference

We send a fraternal greeting to all the brothers and sisters from the media who are in solidarity.

In these days of sorrow and outrage that we Mexicans are experiencing, along with the whole world, we see the need to further strengthen hope in an organized and peaceful manner; for this reason, we invite you to join us at a press conference we will give in the Curia of the Diocese of San Cristobal de Las Casas on Saturday November 22 at 12 noon to make you aware and to inform you about the peaceful demonstrations and pilgrimages, which as Believing Peoples we will undertake on Tuesday November 25 in the parishes of:

Tumbalá, San Cristóbal de las Casas, Yajalón, Huixtán, Cancúc, Tenejapa, Oxchuc, Ocosingo, Altamirano, Salto de Agua, pueblo de Bachajón and Frontera Comalapa.


To mark the “International Day against Violence and Exploitation towards women” and to continue raising our voice against: the San Cristobal-Palenque superhighway, the sale of alcoholic beverages, drugs, prostitution and against the clear corruption and inability of the authorities to solve these great problems.

We also make the pilgrimage in solidarity with the families of the dead and missing young people of Ayotzinapa in Iguala, Guerrero; with our brothers and sisters of the Parish of Simojovel and with the victims of Acteal to whom, almost 20 years after the massacre, the government has not done justice.

That is all for now, thank you for your noble and dangerous work of bearing the truth, we embrace you with open arms.




Candelaria, Huixtán, Tumbalá, Cancúc, Tenejapa, Oxchuc,

Ocosingo, Altamirano, Bachajón-Chilón, Yajalón, Salto de Agua and Frontera Comalapa



Dorset Chiapas Solidarity

Fear and justice in the battle for Mexico’s future

Filed under: Repression — Tags: — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:15 pm


Fear and justice in the battle for Mexico’s future

By Petar Stanchev

Post image for Fear and justice in the battle for Mexico’s future
As in 1968, Mexico’s political elites are once again using fear to silence the millions of protesters who demand justice for the Ayotzinapa students.I woke up in fear, and for the rest of the day it controlled my life the way fear tends to control people’s lives. It dominated my thoughts the way it dominates people’s thoughts and actions, paralyzes them until they are deprived from all hope and the very basic human capacity to change the world around them.

My fear was provoked by a nightmare, not one I saw in my dreams, but rather a nightmare I have been unfortunate enough to observe with my own eyes and come to know intimately. It was the fear of waking up and realizing my friends have disappeared at night; lifted from their beds by men in uniforms, leaving friends and family behind who from that day on can only guess after the fate of their loved ones.

This fear is not imaginary. This is the fear I struggled to understand when talking to my friends and fellow students when I lived and studied in Mexico. It is a fear that is incomprehensible for someone who has not lived in a country where more than 100.000 have been killed and disappeared in less than ten years.

Although I participated in social and political movements in the country and was actively involved in student activist groups, I was still incapable of comprehending the terror that my friends felt when they saw the police or the army on the streets. I used to think it was exaggerated and they should not let themselves be influenced by this strategy of control. One can only understand this feeling when it becomes personal, when you wake up and feel the need to call your friends in order to be sure they are alive and well.

Students under Attack

On Saturday, the night before I woke up in horror, an undercover policeman shot and injured two students on the campus of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), the biggest public university in Latin America. It is worth mentioning that the UNAM is an autonomous institution and as such it is a police-free territory. Exemptions to this rule can be made only if the police are asked to step in by the high administration of the institution.

This breach of autonomy is not without precedent: in 1968 the President at the time, Diaz Ordaz, ordered a military takeover of the university. The army moved in as journalists were ordered to move out. This happened in the context of the large-scale, countrywide student protests which actively opposed the Olympic Games. To show their opposition against the Games being held in a country characterized by increasing inequality the students took to the streets, shouting slogans like: “We don’t want games, we want revolution.”

After the shooting last week, students organized and attacked the aggressors. They burned their car and confiscated their documents, proving they were undercover police. The government then sent five hundred riot police to deal with the issue who subsequently clashed with autonomously organized groups of students at the doors of the institution.

These events do not happen in a social vacuum. The repression of the UNAM students comes at a moment when hundreds of protests, direct actions, marches, sit-ins and strikes organized by people from all walks of life and many different backgrounds are organized to demand social and political justice. This new wave of popular dissent was provoked by the disappearance of 43 students in the state of Guerrero on September 26 earlier this year.

The students of the rural school in Ayotzinapa protested to condemn the extremely poor conditions of their school and education in Mexico and to protest the neoliberal reforms in education. The police opened fire on them, killing six and arresting 43 of the student-activists. It is now months later and nobody is sure where they are, but the terrifying suspicion, confirmed by various sources, is that they have been brutally killed and some of them probably burned alive.

The political crisis that is shaking the country threatens to evolve into full-scale revolt with students, armed guerrillas, anarchists and indigenous groups raising legitimate demands for the President of the Republic to resign and for policies ensuring the basic social, human, political and ethnic rights of the population.

Bloody Past, Bloody Present

The Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto already has blood on his hands from previous atrocities, such as the one in Atenco in 2006, when he was Governor of the State of Mexico. In this event he ordered the police to take over the city during popular protests, resulting in 207 people subjected to brutal and degrading treatment, 145 arbitrary arrests, the sexual assault of 26 women, and the deportation of five foreigners.

Upon returning to Mexico after a tour of China and Australia, Peña Nieto openly threatened the popular movement that he is going to use of force, if necessary. Translated, this means sending in the army and the newly created national gendarme against the protesters. This, of course, is hardly the only example of extreme violence carried out by the security forces of Mexico during Peña Nieto’s presidency, but it illustrates how decisive he is on cracking down on popular protest with brute force and at any price.

Back in 1968, President Diaz Ordaz stood up in front of Congress and warned that he had been tolerant for too long and that he would have to resort to force to pacify the students. He, as the majority of Mexican Presidents, was a member of the PRI, the Institutional Revolutionary Party, which ruled the country without interruption between 1920 and 2000. Peña Nieto is also a member of the same party which returned to power in 2012 after Nieto’s electoral victory that year.

Some of the party representatives shocked the country in the previous days with their public declarations. Luis Adrián Ramírez Ortiz, a militant of the PRI’s youth league, compared the protesters to “wild beasts who do not deserve to live” and invoked the spirit of Diaz Ordaz, stating that Mexico needs to be headed by someone like him in order to preserve its image to the world. The ex-Federal Deputy Marili Olguín Cuevas, also a member of the PRI, published a status on Facebook saying “kill them so they don’t reproduce.” Another member and syndicate leader loyal to the PRI stated after the clashes in Mexico City days ago: “And then they wonder why they are burning them. Rednecks.”

Apparently, a significant number of contemporary PRI officials would welcome a return to the days when Diaz Ordaz still ruled the country. Back in 1968 the President answered the popular call for “revolution instead of Games” by mobilizing the country’s security forces against the protesters. On October 2 that year, snipers attacked the mass demonstration at Tlatelolco square, causing an upheaval that legitimized sending army troops and tanks into the square. This day is remembered as the Tletelolco massacre, in which hundreds of students were either shot dead or simply disappeared.

The aftermath of the massacre saw a proliferation of policies that allowed for a total crackdown on social protests, eventually culminating in a dirty war in the state of Guerrero, not unlike the ones that characterized the military regimes in Argentina and Chile. Back then, the resistance in Guerrero was headed by two teachers from the very same school attended by the 43 disappeared students.

They were forced into clandestine resistance and the government could crush the popular support in the state only by leveling entire villages and attacking the civilian population with napalm. During this rebellion, hundreds of local peasants were murdered or disappeared. This is the scenario some PRI party members and officials evoke as desirable if the current protests continue.

Fearless Resistance

Commemorating the horrors of ’68 will not stop them from happening again, on the contrary: they are already happening. It would be an understatement to note that the repression is getting worse. Mass graves are being found all over the country, and evidence of more and more police and army brutality is being made public by victims and relatives who were until now too scared to step forward.

Indigenous groups rise up against five hundred years of genocide, challenging the neoliberal agenda that destroys their land and eradicates their culture. Parents of the disappeared are organizing to demand justice. Migrants march on the capitalin order to stop the murders that have taken away the lives of more than 20.000 since 2006. Students and activists raise voices over the brutality and repression that were meant to silence their revolt against market-driven reforms in the education.

Anarchists and activist groups shout in solidarity with comrades who are condemned to life in prison. Women shout “not a single one more!” in reference to the devastating level of femicides in the country. Guerrillas in Guerrero declare their preparation for war against a state that condemns half of the Mexican people to live in poverty. The Zapatistas in Chiapas march in thousandsto demand justice for Ayotzinapa and the indigenous groups around the country.

Meanwhile, the only answer all these different groups get from the corrupt and unscrupulous political elite is: “we do not care about you — and if you dare to resist, we will send in the army. We have done it before and got away with it, we will not hesitate to do it again.” These threats arise from a climate of fear which has taken shape in the years of the so-called “War on Drugs,” which was used as a pretext to militarize the society and crack down on any movement for change.

This fear is a weapon of control, stronger than any gun, tank or helicopter, stronger than bullets and executions. This fear is the one I woke up with. And I woke up with it, because my friends in Mexico stopped waking up in fear and flooded the streets, rejecting the fear that negates their humanity.

Fear and justice are and will be part of the battle of those fighting for their lives in the streets of Mexico. What is at stake is the question whether the government will be allowed to keep repeating the horrors of 1968. My fear is to wake up and discover that my friends have had the dignity not to accept the threat and sacrificed themselves in the face of a machine of death and destruction — or, as the Zapatistas say, that they have decided to “die in order to live.” Their fear, meanwhile, is that their children will have to repeat the tragedy they are witnessing now, if fear conquers the movement once again.


Petar Stanchev is finishing a degree in Latin American Studies and Human Rights at the University of Essex. He has previously lived and studied in Mexico and has been involved in the Zapatista solidarity movement for four years.


Dorset Chiapas Solidarity


November 21, 2014

International letter for #Ayotzinapa

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 7:35 pm

International letter for #Ayotzinapa




Our pain and our rage. How do we keep on walking in this new stage?

Since the 26th of September 2014 Mexico looked at itself and the world once again turned to see an unconceivable reality that made itself present in the most terrible way. Iguala is the place in which the Mexico of pain and death became unable to evade its own reality, the place that has filled the entire world with indignation, the place in which an open secret
became a cry of pain and rage.

43 disappeared students, three murdered students, two young athletes murdered, one murdered woman. All of them murdered and disappeared in Iguala, all of them murdered and disappeared by the State. All of them murdered and disappeared by the pact of impunity of the political class.

Although right now it seems insufficient to speak of impunity because the institutions that should enforce justice not only fail to do so but they protect themselves from their own crimes. In reality we are facing a system that always finds how and who to punish, in an exemplary and spectacular manner (guilty or innocent), in order to maintain intact the
great business of corruption and the brutal power structures that keep the entire country submerged in violence.

In Mexico the system is not corrupt, corruption is the system. It is not that the State is filling with vacuums, but that those that seem vacuums are actually filled with the new mutation of the Mexican State: the Narco-State. The Abarca couple are a terrible example of the link between government and organized crime, but the terrible part is that they are neither the only nor the worst example of it; they are precisely an example of what the Mexican institutions have become. Iguala, the dead, the 43 students from Ayotzinapa are equally the terrible evidence that the actions of the Narco-State are not only those of counterinsurgency, not only do they seek the criminalization of protest, they seek control through terror, they seek the genocide of hope.

In this broken Mexico, security means to live in fear surrounded by soldiers and policemen, constantly under surveillance. In this broken Mexico, the human rights apparatuses are used to ensure that the real aggressors evade justice and are able to continue attacking.

In this broken Mexico, the former mayor of Iguala, José Luis Abarca, is accused of several crimes, but not of the one that implies recognizing the responsibility of the State, that of enforced disappearance.



In this broken Mexico, María de los Ángeles Pineda is given 40 days of precautionary detention, and Nohemí Berumen, the accomplice that hid the accused couple, is left free, while those who oppose the system, those who defend the land, those who demand justice, those who show their solidarity with the families of the 43 disappeared students, those who explode with indignation are immediately imprisoned.
In this broken Mexico the powerful are scandalized when someone burns a wooden door, but for the hundreds of thousands of dead, for the thousands of disappeared, for the displaced, there are only media montages, long bureaucratic processes and fake condolences, but never justice.

The message behind the way everything was done in Iguala, behind the thousands of dead and disappeared in Mexico is that no life is of any value, that from those “new institutions” death is the way to govern.

For all this, after having the whole world expecting an answer in regard to the whereabouts of the 43 disappeared students out of a rigorous investigation, it is outrageous and painful that those in charge of doing it are not only displaying their incompetence, but also an impressive lack of the slightest respect for the victims’ families and through them for
society as a whole, because their only goal is to deviate the investigations, to hide the truth.

Outrage has been growing, overflowing the streets, growing week after week. The demonstrations, actions, strikes, come to show that despite the lies, the montages, the slander and mockery from the “Mexican government”, always absent when it comes to giving answers, Mexico´s and the world´s people have made their own the motto: Alive they took them, alive we want them! Important steps are being taken in many places in Mexico and
elsewhere, in which quickly new outcries resonate: #NoLesCreemos,
#FueElEstado, #YaMeCanse, #AyotzinapaSomosTodos (#WeDontBelieveYou,
#ItWastheState, #ImTired, #WeAllAreAyotzinapa).

Iguala made visible the political logic that has taken us to be in mourning for the more than 150 thousand dead and to keep waiting for the more than 20 thousand disappeared.

Today we join the active rage of the fathers and mothers of the disappeared students, today we tell them that we are waiting for the 43 to return, that we do not believe the farce with which they pretend to file this global outrage and rage. Ayotzinapa is the beginning of something that is growing in the classrooms, on the streets.


These past weeks have given birth to a movement that is very clear who they are, in this new process fear is being lost, it becomes impossible to remain a bystander and the possibility arises to ask ourselves: What can we do with this social energy to open a path that can allow society, from below, to impose the truth on the government with all of its consequences?
How do we keep on walking in this new stage?

Ayotzinapa does not only pain Mexico, it pains the world.
Individual signatures:

CANADA: Naomi Klein; UNITED STATES: Noam Chomsky; Michael Hardt; Hugo Benavides (Fordham University); URUGUAY: Raúl Zibechi; SPAIN: Manuel Castells; Carina Garcia Sanagustin; BOLIVIA: Oscar Olivera; ARGENTINA: Nico Falcoff; COLOMBIA: Dora Muñoz; Constanza Cuetia; GERMANY: Sebastian Wolff (Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, Frankfurt/Alemania); BRAZIL: Kathy Faudry; Jeferson Zacarias; Denise Lopes; Edila Pires; Liliane Bites; Walter Bites; BASQUE COUNTRY: Juan Ibarrondo (escritor); ITALY: Adele
Vigo; Andrea Paletti; Franco Frinco; Carlotta Mariotti; Filippo Marzagalli; MOROCCO: Josiane Pastor Rodriguez; FRANCE: Valentin Gaillard, Mathieu Meyer, Talia Rebeca Haro Barón (PhD Erasmus Mundus Dynamics of Health and Welfare, Ecole de Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales), Michèle Blossier; Patrice Ratheau; Paul Victor Wenner; Myriam Michel; Hilda Leslie Alcocer Martinez; Louise Ibáñez Drillières; Crystel Pinçonnat; Janie lacoste (profesora); Michel Puzenat; Pierre Banzet; Régine Piersanti; Dominique Mariette; Nathalie Todeschini; Stéphane Lavignotte- pasteur del (Movimiento del cristianismo Social); Farid Ghehioueche (Fondateur/Porte Parole de l’organisation Cannabis Sans Frontières); Emmanuel Maillard; Myriam Mérino; Ariane Chottin; Valérie Guidoux; Olivier Vendée; Pierre
Picquart (Dr en Geopolitica Université de PARIS-VIII) ; Antinea Jimena Pérez Castro; Yann Bagot; Emmanuel Rodriguez; Marie Ibanez; Amparo Ibanez; Gilbert Rodriguez; Marie Ibanez; Jacqueline Henry; Catherine Cassaro; Catherine Bourgouin; Susanna Miglioranza; Sylvie Gauliard; Alain Martinez; Colette Revello; Fatiha Mekeri; Dominique Poirre; Laura Binaghi; Jérôme Bauduffe; Nadia Thomas; Matthieu Texier; Paul Obadia; Vincent Robin; Michel Ibañez; Lise Piersanti; Alain Delprat; Catherine Drillières; Colette Revello; Didier
Collot; Marianne Petit; Janine Leroy; Suzy Platiel; Aude Lalande; Mansour Chemali; Corinne Mazel; Celia Ibañez; Pauline Delprat; Michel Contri; Ali Abadie; Mercedes Cruceyra; José Griault; Annick Laurent; Gérard Henry; Georges Gottlieb; Janie Lacoste; Michel Ibañez; Pilar Sepulveda; Rafael Sepulveda; Pascal Ibañez; Patrick Derrien ; Hélène Derrien ; Lia
Cavalcanti (directrice de l’association Espoir Goutte d’Or); Catherine Faudry (Chargée de mission – pôle “Collectivités Territoriales” Institut Français); Camille Baudelaire; MEXICO: Álvaro Sebastián Ramírez (Preso Político y de Conciencia de la Región Loxicha); Oscar Soto; Alejandro Varas; Raquel Gutiérrez Aguilar; Mariana Selvas Gómez; Guillermo Selvas
Pineda; Rosalba Gómez Rivera; Martha Nury Selvas Gómez; María Josefina Perez Arrezola; María José Pérez Castro; José Cervantes Sánchez (estudiante ICSyH BUAP); Rosalba Zambrano; Ana María Sánchez; Tamara San Miguel; Eduardo Almeida; Enrique Ávila Carrillo; Ingrid Van Beuren; Leticia Payno; Cecilia Oyorzál; Ignacio Rivadeneyra; María del Coral Morales; Oscar Gutiérrez; Gilberto Payno; Celiflora Payno; Víctor Payno; Patricia Emiliano; Beatríz Acevedo; Francisco Sánchez; Agustina Álvarez; Mariana García; Miguel Ortigoza; José Antonio León; Sergio Cházaro; José Hugo Estrada Zárate; Iliana Galilea Cariño Cepeda; Pablo Reyna; Guillermina Margarita López Corral; Ana María Corro; Lorena Diego y Fuentes; Enrique González Ruiz; Ignacio Román; Cecilia Zeledón; Berta
Maria Rayas Camarena; Judith Arteaga Romero (maestrante Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos UACM); Aurora Furlong; José Luis San Miguel; Alma Ugarte; Juan Manuel Gutiérrez Jiménez

SPAIN: CGT; ASSI (Acción Social Sindical Internaciolalista); Associació Solidaria Cafè Rebeldía-Infoespai – Barcelona; Centro de Documentación sobre Zapatismo (CEDOZ); COLOMBIA: Pueblos en el Camino; GERMANY: Gruppe B.A.S.T.A., Munster; BRAZIL: CSP-Conlutas –Brasil; BELGIUM: Casa Nicaragua-Liège; CafeZ –Liège; CORSICA: Corsica Internaziunalista; BASQUE COUNTRY: La Federación Anarquista Ibérica de Euskal Herria (FAI); ITALY:Associazione Ya Basta! –Milano; Centro Sociale CasaLoca – Milano;
Associazione Ya Basta – Padova; Nodo Solidale (Italia y Mexico); Comitato Chiapas “Maribel” – Bergamo; FRANCE: Les trois passants – Paris; Caracol Solidario – Besançon; Colectivo Grains de sable; Union local de la Confédération Nationale du Travail (CNT31-Toulouse); Secrétariat international de la CNT – Francia; Tamazgha, asociacion berbères-Paris; Comité de solidarité avec les Indiens des Amériques (CSIA-Nitassinan);
Groupe de soutien à Leonard Peltier (LPSG-Francia); La Fédération des CIRCs – Paris; Comité Tierra y Libertad de Lille; Réseau latino-américain de Lille; Émission Torre Latino/Radio Campus – Lille; Comité de Solidaridad con los Pueblos de Chiapas en Lucha(CSPCL), Paris; Espoir Chiapas – Montreuil; Mut Vitz 13 de Marseille; UNITED KINGDOM: UK Zapatista Solidarity Network; Dorset Chiapas Solidarity Group; Edinburgh
Chiapas Solidarity Group; Kiptik (Bristol); London Mexico Solidarity Group; Manchester Zapatista Collective; UK Zapatista Translation Service; Zapatista Solidarity Group – Essex; MEXICO: Enlace Urbano de Dignidad; Nodo de Derechos Humanos; Unidad Obrera y Socialista (¡UNIOS!); Unión de Vecinos y Damnificados “19 de Septiembre” (UVyD-19); La Voz de los Zapotecos Xiches en Prisión; Colectivo La Flor de la Palabra; Comite de
Solidaridad con Mario Gonzalez, DF; Colectivo de Profesores de la Sexta; Frente del Pueblo; Serpaj; Colectivo “pensar en voz alta”; UniTierra Puebla; Colectivo Utopía Puebla; Colectivo de Salud adherente a la Sexta; Grupo “Salud y Conciencia”

INTERNATIONAL: La Internacional de las Federaciones Anarquistas (IFA); Federación Anarquista francófona (Francia, Bélgica, Suiza); RED EUROPEA DE SINDICATOS ALTERNATIVOS Y DE BASE: Confederación General del Trabajo, CGT – Estado español; Union syndicale Solidaires- Francia; Confederazione Unitaria di Base, CUB – Italia; SUD Vaud, Suiza; Confederacion Intersindical – Estado español; Unione Sindicale Italiana, USI – Italia; Intersindical Alternativa de Catalunya, IAC –Catalunya; Confederazione Italiana di Base, UNICOBAS – Italia; Confédération Nationale des Travailleurs Solidarité Ouvrière, CNT-SO – Francia; Transnational Information Exchange , TIE – Alemania; Associazione per i Diritti dei Lavoratori Cobas, ADL COBAS – Italia; Solidaridad Obrera, Estado Español;
Confédération Nationale du Travail, CNT –Francia; Sindacato Autorganizzato Lavoratori Cobas, SIAL COBAS – Italia; Sindacato Intercategoriale Cobas Lavoratori Autorganizzati, SI COBAS – Italia; Ελευθεριακή Συνδικαλιστική Ένωση, ESE –Grecia; Union Syndicale Etudiante Fédération Générale du Travail de Belgique, USE –Bélgica; Ogólnopolski Związek Zawodowy Pielegniarek i Poloznych, OZZ PIP –Polonia; Ogólnopolski Związek Zawodowy
Inicjatywa Pracownicza, OZZ PIP – Polonia; STUDENT ORGANIZATIONS: Solidaires Étudiant-e-s, Francia; Union Syndicale Étudiante, Belgica; SUD étudiants et précaires, Suiza



Dorset Chiapas Solidarity


November 20, 2014

Disappearances Reach Record Number This Year

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 5:37 pm


Disappearances Reach Record Number This Year


Paris Martínez
Amimal Politico, 19th November, 2014
Translated by Carolyn Smith The National Registry of Missing Persons acknowledges that from 2007 to date, there are 23,605 cases of disappeared persons; 40% have been reported during the current administration of President Enrique Peña Nieto.

With the 5,098 victims of disappearance that have accumulated in México between January and October of 2014, this is already the year with the highest number of cases reported in the entire history of the country, as revealed by the statistics of the National Registry updated yesterday.

In the first ten months of the year, according to this official registry, presented by the Secretary of Government Relations, in Mexico 4,836 persons have been  reported as “not located” in state jurisdictions, to which is added another 162 reported under investigation within federal jurisdiction.

In total, the authorities acknowledged that, from 2007 to date, there have been 22,610 disappeared persons in Mexico, to which they must add another 995 victims “from before 2007” or whose date of disappearance has not been specified, giving a final result of 23,605 existing cases, of which 40% have been reported during the current administration of president Enrique Peña Nieto, that is, between the years 2013 and 2014.

With the current statistics on disappearances, on the data base that the government maintains, the cases of the 43 students from the Normal Rural School of Ayotzinapa that were detained and disappeared by the municipal police of Iguala and Cocula this past September 26 were already included.

Sustained Increase

Since 2007, the year in which the strategy of the war against organized crime began in Mexico, the number of disappeared persons has increased year by year, and the only drop that the statistics has registered was in 2012.

In 2007, for example, the authorities acknowledged 749 cases of forced disappearances and for the following year, another 862 cases were added to the register. Then, in 2009, 1,338 new disappearances were registered; and in 2010 another 2,739 announced.

In 2011, 3,957 disappeared persons were reported in Mexico and in 2012 there were 3,353 (600 cases less than the prior year, this being the only registered drop in the annualized incidence of forced disappearance).

For 2013, the first year of the Enrique Peña Nieto government, the number of disappeared persons rose to 4,514 victims (that is, 1,161 more cases than the prior year).

And, finally, between January and October of 2014, 5,098 more records have been added. Even though it has not ended, this year is already the one with the highest reports of disappeared persons accumulated.

State by State

As evident in the statistics from the National Registry of Missing and Disappeared Persons, Tamaulipas is the state where the most persons have disappeared, with 5,380 victims registered (under both state and federal jurisdiction). From it, 30% have been disappearances during the current administration of Enrique Peña Nieto.

In second place is Jalisco, where there are 2,150 cases of disappearances registered, of those, 49% were perpetrated with Peña Nieto as president.

The State of México follows in third place, with 1,745 disappearances recorded, 51.6% of which were committed during the current federal administration.
Dorset Chiapas Solidarity

Mexico Supreme Court frees 3 convicted for 1997 massacre

Filed under: Acteal, Displacement, Paramilitary, Repression — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 4:55 pm


Mexico Supreme Court frees 3 convicted for 1997 massacre

Mexico Supreme Court frees 3 convicted for 1997 massacre

Family, friends and neighbors gather to remember 45 people gunned down in 1997 inside a church in the southern Mexican town of Acteal. EFE/File

Family, friends and neighbors gather to remember 45 people gunned down in 1997 inside a church in the southern Mexican town of Acteal. EFE/File

Mexico City, Nov 13 (EFE).- Mexico’s Supreme Court ordered the immediate release of three people serving prison terms for a 1997 massacre in which both the accused and the 45 victims were indigenous people.

The justices voted unanimously to overturn the convictions of Lorenzo Ruiz Vazquez, Jose Guzman Ruiz and Alfredo Agustin Hernandez Ruiz, citing irregularities in the original trial.

The court did not address the question of the guilt or innocence of the defendants, Justice Jose Ramon Cossio said, stressing that the decision to three men was based on violations of their rights to due process.

More than 40 of those convicted and sentenced for the slaughter of 45 people in the southern state of Chiapas have been freed due to problems with the original trial.

Only two people remain behind bars in connection with the Acteal massacre, according to human rights organizations following the case.

On Dec. 22, 1997, a group of men toting assault rifles killed 45 unarmed Tzotzil Indians, including 15 children, as they were praying inside a church in Acteal, Chiapas.

The slaughter occurred during the period when the Mexican government was fighting the Zapatista National Liberation Army, or EZLN, guerrilla group.

Tzotzils from several communities had gathered in Acteal after fleeing violence between EZLN supporters and armed members of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, which governed Mexico at the time and reclaimed the presidency in 2012 after a gap of 12 years.

The massacre led to the resignations of federal Government Secretary Emilio Chuayfett and Chiapas Gov. Julio Cesar Ruiz Ferro, both of them PRI members.

The dozens of suspects arrested in the days after the massacre did not get their day in court until 2007.

The suspects were PRI supporters who had been at odds with the victims, a group of displaced Indians in a state divided since 1994 between backers and opponents of the EZLN.




Dorset Chiapas Solidarity


Mexico: the Wound of the World

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 4:49 pm


Mexico: the Wound of the World




Dorset Chiapas Solidarity



November 19, 2014

In London today at the Free Education Demo: Justice for Ayotzinapa

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 8:43 pm


In London today at the Free Education Demo: Justice for Ayotzinapa









Dorset Chiapas Solidarity


San Sebastián Bachajón: Third Collegiate tribunal sends their amparo for the dispossession of their lands to the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation

Filed under: Bachajon — Tags: , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 6:42 pm


San Sebastián Bachajón: Third Collegiate tribunal sends their amparo for the dispossession of their lands to the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation




November Update

The Second Court of the Mexican Supreme Court is analysing the petition of ‘attraction’ made by the Third Collegial Court of Tuxtla Gutierrez. It began the investigation of the Attraction Power number 564/2014 and gave the task to Minister Margarita Luna Ramos. On October 22nd, the Third Collegial Court published the following agreement within the ‘Amparo under Revision’ 224/2014 in which we can see the Mexican Supreme Court has started proceedings regarding the appeal for an Attraction Power:


224/2014 Mariano Moreno Guzmán, representative of the San Sebastián Bachajón Ejido, Chilón Municipality, Chiapas; Constitutional Governor of the State of Chiapas; and others

21/10/2014 “…May it be added to this report… that the implementation of a “reception with observations” has been authorised….”


Summary prepared by Oso Sabio, from an original in Spanish by Ricardo Lagunes


Dorset Chiapas Solidarity


A Country which kills its Youth

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 6:24 pm


A Country which kills its Youth 

Permanent Peoples Tribunal

Silvia Ribeiro*

La Jornada, 15th November, 2014


Like lightning that does not cease or a wound forever open, the Ayotzinapa massacre, the killing of six people and the detention and disappearance of 43 young students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Normal School by authorities in Guerrero on September 26, 2014, was the backdrop of the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal (PPT) Mexico Chapter hearing titled “The Destruction of Youth and Future Generations”.

This tragedy, which has been transformed into struggle and denunciation in the country and around the world, became part of the series of 70 testimonies presented by young people wronged on many issues and in many regions, showing that young people in Mexico belong to a generation that—despite the thousand attacks, despite the fact that they are denied both a past and a future—continues resisting and creating. They are still alive and in the struggle.

The hearing, held from October 8 to 10 in Mexico City, was not foreseen in 2011 when this ethical international Tribunal began developing its broad social process in Mexico. At that time, the PPT was organized into seven thematic hearings whose purpose was to show:

  • Violence against Workers and Migrants;
  • Femicide and other Gender Violence;
  • Violence against Journalists and Disinformation;
  • Violence against Corn and Food Sovereignty;
  • Environmental Devastation; and the
  • Dirty War.

While numerous activities and hearings involving over 2,500 organizations and communities across the country were being developed, the need emerged to establish cross-themed hearings: those that touched all the identified issues, but with a specificity that demanded focus and particular attention both from the PPT and the country. In November 2013 the first cross-themed hearing was held on repression of social movements, [repression being] an action repeated by successive governments faced with protests and social struggles against abuse and injustice.


Like a red thread, the urgency of a cross-themed hearing on young people also emerged, since youths are actors present in all the issues and aggrieved, leading characters in many of them. With coordination by Young People Facing the National Emergency and the participation of many others, this hearing was firmed up by and about young people, where cases and testimonies of violence against youths were heard from the entire country.

The jury was composed of:

  • Daniel Giménez Cacho, Mexico, actor;
  • Carlos Martín Beristain, Basque [Spain], physician, coordinator of the Report: Guatemala Never Again;
  • Graciela Daleo, Argentina, a survivor of the dictatorship and member of the Free Chair in Human Rights at the University of Buenos Aires;
  • Marcelo Dias Carcanholo, Brazil, economist, president of the Latin American Society of Political Economy and Critical Thinking; and
  • Gianni Tognoni, Italy, Secretary General of the Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal.

In its opinion, the jury pointed out: “If we speak of dirty war, violence, lack of access to justice, the majority of victims are young people. If we speak of femicide and victims of violence, the majority are young people. If we speak of job insecurity, unemployment, over-exploitation, theft of labor rights, young people constitute a majority nucleus.

“If we speak of migration and displacement, young people make up the bulk of the population forced to take that path. In analyzing the multiple effects of environmental devastation, destruction of corn, the loss of food sovereignty, de-peasantization of millions [dislocation of small, often subsistence, farmers off their land], the breakdown of the relationship between communities and indigenous peoples and the land, we verify that there, also, young people make up a large portion of the victimized sector.

“If we speak of the dismantlement of education at all levels, disinformation, censorship and development of communication content aimed at shaping individual bias and groups easily manipulated, youths are targeted; likewise, in the attacks on social movements, the presence of young people in those ranks is noteworthy.”

Under the official euphemism “demographic dividend” (term meaning that the segment of the population of working age is greater than the segment that is dependent), which is offered as a comparative advantage in commercial agreements, the goal is to turn them [youths] into a malleable mass of displaced, unemployed, poorly educated people without cultural roots, to be exploited as abundant, cheap labour without rights for domestic and foreign companies in Mexico and the neighbouring countries to the North.

With the Atyozinapa case in the limelight, the opinion continues: “Mexico is experiencing an acceleration in the impact of violence, which is especially concentrated in the youth population, thus jeopardizing the future of society. While governments come to an end every six years, the impacts of violence accumulate over time.

“The disappeared are not past events, they are violations that continue being committed in the present, referring to a conception of law that focuses not only on the perpetrator’s accountability and the necessary investigation and justice by the State that is not cancelled over time, but also in recognition of the psychological abuse and torture that the disappearance poses for family members” and the traumatic effect it has on the entire society.

The entire roadway of the Permanent People’s Tribunal-Mexico Chapter is littered with grievances and cases of horror. But far from crippling, the construction of this collective puzzle, whose hearing and final judgment will be announced on November 15, is a tissue of collective memory that recovers not only the past, but also the present and the future.

*Silvia Ribeiro is Latin America Director for ETC (Action Group on Erosion, Technology and Concentration), which is dedicated to the conservation and sustainable advancement of cultural and ecological diversity and human rights. Ribeiro is based in Mexico.

Translated by Jane Brundage



November 18, 2014

EZLN’s Subcomandante Moises addresses the Ayotzinapa Caravan

Filed under: Zapatista — Tags: , , , — dorsetchiapassolidarity @ 7:00 pm


EZLN’s Subcomandante Moises addresses the Ayotzinapa Caravan

The Words of the General Command of the EZLN, presented by Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés, concluding the event with the caravan of the families of the disappeared and students of Ayotzinapa, in the caracol of Oventik, November 15, 2014.




Mothers, Fathers, and Family members of our murdered and disappeared brothers in Iguala, Guerrero:

Students of the Escuela Normal[1] “Raúl Isidro Burgos” in Ayotzinapa, Guerrero:

Brothers and Sisters:

We thank you with all our heart for sharing your word with us.

We know that in order to bring us your word directly, without intermediaries or outside interpretations, you had to travel many hours and endure fatigue, hunger, and exhaustion.

We also know that for you this sacrifice is part of the duty that you feel.

It is the duty to not abandon the compañeros disappeared by the bad governments, to not sell them out, to not forget them.

It is because of this duty that you began your struggle, even when no one was paying any attention and the disappeared brothers were being called “amateurs”, “rabble rousers” “future delinquents who deserved what they got,” “agent provocateurs,” radicals,” “hicks,” and “agitators.”

They were called those names by many of the same people who now crowd around your dignified rage for reasons of fashion or self-benefit, the same people who before tried to blame the Normal Raúl Isidro Burgos for what happened.

There are still some people above who try to blame the Normal, attempting to create a distraction in order to conceal the real culprit.

It is because of this duty that you began to speak, to shout, to explain, to tell, to use your word with courage and with dignified rage.

Today, in the heap of empty words with which others clothe your dignified cause, there are already squabbles over who can take credit for getting you recognized, heard, understood, and embraced.

Perhaps no one has told you this, but it has been you, the families and compañeros of the dead and disappeared students, who, with the strength of your pain and its conversion into dignified and noble rage, have caused many people in Mexico and the world to awaken and begin to ask questions.

For this, we thank you.

We thank you not only for honouring us by bringing your word to our ears, humble as we are—we who have no media impact and no contacts in the bad government; we who are without the capacity or knowledge to accompany you, shoulder to shoulder, in the incessant coming and going of the search for your loved ones, who are now also loved by millions who don’t even know them; we who are without sufficient words to give you advice, relief, or hope.

Also, and above all, we thank you for your heroic determination, your wise insistence on naming the disappeared in the face of those responsible for this disgrace, for demanding justice in the face of the arrogance of the powerful, and teaching rebellion and resistance in the face of conformity and cynicism.

We want to thank you for the lessons that you have and continue to give us.

It is terrible and marvellous that the poor and humble families and students who aspire to be school teachers have become the best teachers this country has seen in recent years.

moisc3a9sBrothers and sisters:

Your word was and is for us a source of strength.

It is as if you have given us a source of nourishment, even though we were far away, even though we did not know each other, even though we are separated by calendars and geographies—that is, by time and distance.

We also thank you for sharing your word because we see now that others have tried to contain this firm and strong voice, this nucleus of pain and rage that set everything in motion.

And we see, hear, and read that now they speak of doors that before didn’t matter to anyone.

They forget that for a while now these doors have been meant to signal to those outside them that they had nothing to do with the decisions made inside.

They forget that these doors are now merely part of a useless shell within which sovereignty is simulated but servility and submission reign.

They forget that behind these doors there is just a huge mall which the people outside can’t enter, and where the broken pieces of what used to be the Mexican Nation are sold off.

We don’t care about those doors.

We don’t care if they are burned or adored, nor if they are seen with rage, nostalgia, or desire.

We care about your word.

Your word, your rebellion, your resistance.

There, on the outside, they are talking and arguing and making allegations over violence or non-violence, ignoring the fact that there is violence on most people’s tables every day. Violence walks with them to work and to school, goes home with them, sleeps with them, and without consideration for age, race, gender, language, or culture, makes a nightmare out of their dreams and realities.

We hear, see, and read that on the outside they are debating coups from the right or the left, who to take out of power and who to put in.

They forget that the entire political system is rotten.

It is not that this system has links to organized crime, to narcotrafficking, to the attacks, aggressions, rapes, beatings, imprisonments, disappearances, and murders, but that all of that is now part of its essence.

And we can’t talk about the political class as something separate from the nightmares that millions of people on this land suffer.

Corruption, impunity, authoritarianism, organized and unorganized crime: these are now the emblems, statues, declarations of principals, and practices of the entire Mexican political class.

We don’t care about the bickering, the agreements and disagreements, among those above over who will be in charge of the machine of destruction and death that the Mexican State has become.

We care about your words.

Your rage, your rebellion, your resistance.

We see, read, and hear the discussions being had out there about calendars, always the calendars of above, with their deceptive dates that hide the oppressions that we live today. They forget that hidden behind Zapata and Villa are the ones who actually remained in power: Carranza, Obregón, Calles, and a long list of names that, upon the blood of those who were like us, extended their reign of terror to our present day.

We care about your words, your rage, rebellion, and resistance.

And we read, hear, and see the discussions being had out there about tactics and strategies, methods, programs, what to do, who will be in charge of whom, who gives the orders, and where to look for direction.

They forget that the demands are simple and clear: they must be returned alive, all of them, not just those from Ayotzinapa; there must be punishment for those responsible at all levels and across the entire political spectrum; and they must do whatever is necessary so that this horror is never repeated, not against anyone in this world, even if they are not a famous or prestigious figure.

10311770_739071029502247_8731059523478792439_nWe care about your words.

Your rage, rebellion, and resistance.

Because in your words we hear ours.

In those words we hear and say that no one takes us, the poor from below, into consideration.

No one, absolutely no one thinks about us.

They only appear to be concerned in order to to see what they can take, how much they can grow, what they can win, how much they can make, what they can do and undo, what they can say and what they can keep quiet.

A few days ago, during the first days of October, when the horror of what had happened was just being discovered, we sent you some words.

They were small, as our words have been for some time now.

They were few, because there are never sufficient words to speak of pain, to explain it, relieve it, or cure it.

So we just told you that you were not alone.

But with these words we meant not only that we support you, that although we are far away, your pain is ours, your dignified rage is ours.

Yes, we said this but not only this.

We also told you that in your pain and your rage you were not alone, because thousands of men, women, children, and elderly know firsthand that nightmare.

You are not alone, sisters and brothers.

Seek your word among the families of the little boys and girls murdered in the ABC daycare in Sonora; among the organizations for the disappeared in Coahuila; among the families of the innocent victims of the drug war, a war that has been lost since it began; among the families of the thousands of migrants killed and disappeared across Mexican territory.

Seek it among the daily victims in every corner of our country who know that it is the legal authority that beats, annihilates, robs, kidnaps, extorts, rapes, imprisons, and murders them, and that this authority is dressed sometimes as organized crime and sometimes as the legally constituted government.

Seek it among the indigenous peoples who, since before time was time, possessed the wisdom to resist, and there is no one who knows more about pain and rage than they do.

Seek out the Yaqui and you will find yourselves.

Seek out the Nahua and you will see that your word is embraced.

Seek out the Ñahtó and the mirror you find will be mutual.

Seek out the people who rose up in these lands and whose blood gave birth to this Nation before it was called “Mexico,” and you will know that below, the word is a bridge that can be crossed without fear.

This is why your word has strength.

Because in your word, millions have seen their reflection.

Many will say this, and although the majority will keep quiet, they too make your demand theirs, and inside themselves they repeat your words.

They identify with you, with your pain and rage.

We know that there are many who are asking things of you, demanding things; they want to take you in one direction or another, to use you or tell you what to do.

We know that there is a lot of noise coming your way.

We don’t want to be one more noise.

We only want to tell you not to let your word fall.

Do not let it grow faint.

Make it grow so that it can be heard above all of the noise and lies.

Do not abandon your word, because in it walks not just the memory of your dead and disappeared, but also the rage of those who today are below so that those above can be there.

Sisters and brothers:

We think that perhaps you already know that you may be abandoned, and that you are prepared for this.

It may be that those who crowd around you right now in order to use you for their own benefit will abandon you and scuttle off in another direction seeking another trend, another movement, another mobilization.

We are telling you this because it is already part of our own history.

Estimate that there 100 people who accompany you in your demands.

Of those 100, 50 will switch to a new fashion when the calendar turns.

Of the 50 who remain, 30 will buy the forgetting that is already being offered on a payment plan, and they will say that you no longer exist, that you didn’t do anything, that you were a farce to distract from other issues, that you were an invention of the government so that such and such party or such and such politician could not advance.

Of the 20 left, 19 will run away terrified at the first broken window. Because the victims of Ayotzinapa, of Sonora, of Coahuila, of whatever geography only occupy the media spotlight for a moment and observers can choose not to see, not to listen, not to read, or to turn the page, or change the channel or the station. A broken window, in contrast, is a prophecy.

And so, of the original 100, you will see that there is only one left.[i]

But that one will have discovered themselves in your words; their heart will have opened, as we say, and in their heart, pain and rage will have taken root.

Not just for your dead and disappeared, but for this one who, out of the 100, must keep going.

Because this one, just like all of you, will not give in, will not give up, will not sell out.

Part of this one percent, perhaps the smallest part, is us, the Zapatistas.

But not only us.

There are many, many more.[ii]

31-08-2012-14-620x400Because as it turns out, the few are only few until they find others.

And then something terrible and wonderful happens.

Those who thought they were few and alone discover that we are the majority, in every sense.

And so the world must be turned over, because it isn’t fair that the few dominate the many.

And because it isn’t fair that there are dominators and dominated.

Sisters and brothers:

We tell you this according to our ways of thinking, which are our histories.

You, in your own histories, will listen to many more ways of thinking, just as you have honoured us by listening to ours.

And you have the wisdom to take up the thoughts you see to be of value and discard those you don’t.

We Zapatistas think that the changes that really matter, profound changes, the kinds that create other histories, are those that begin with the few, not with the many.

But we know that you know that although Ayotzinapa may go out of style, although the grand plans, strategies, and tactics fail, that although moments of conjuncture go by and other interests and forces come into fashion, that although all those who today hover around you like vultures that thrive on the pain of others, although all of this happens, you know and we know that everywhere there is a pain like ours, a rage like ours, and a determination like ours.

We Zapatistas invite you to seek out that pain and rage.

Seek it, find it, respect it, speak and listen to it; share your suffering.

Because we know when different sufferings encounter each other, they do not seed resignation, pity, and abandon, but organized rebellion.

We know that in your hearts, regardless of your creeds, ideologies, and political organizations, the demand for justice enlivens you.

Do not let yourselves break apart.

Do not become divided, unless it is in order to advance further.

And above all, do not forget that you are not alone.

Sisters and brothers:

With our small strength but with all of our heart, we have and will continue to do everything we can to support your just struggle.

We have not said much so far because we see that there are many interests—with those of the politicians above first in line—that want to use you to their liking and at their convenience, and we do not and will not join the predatory convergence of those shameless opportunists who do not care in the least if the missing are returned alive, but want only to grease the wheel of their own ambitions.

Our silence has signalled and continues to signal respect, because the size of your struggle is gigantic.

That is why our steps have been in silence, in order to let you know that you are not alone, that your pain is our pain, as is your dignified rage.

B2rXW41CIAEbom1That is why our tiny lights were lit where nobody noticed except us.

Those who view this effort as no big deal or who don’t know about it at all, who scold and demand that we speak and that we declare our position and add ourselves to the noise, are racists who look down on anything that does not appear above.

It is important that you know that we support you, but it is also important that we know that we support a just, noble, and dignified cause, like that which animates your caravan throughout the country.

Because for us, knowing that we are supporting an honest movement is a source of nourishment and hope.

How terrible it would be if there were no honest movements, and in all of the vast below that we compose there was merely a replication of that grotesque farce above.

We think that those who look to and count on the calendar from above or a particular deadline or date will abandon you as soon as a new event appears on their horizon.

Running after a situation and opportunity which they did nothing to create and which they at first looked down upon, they now wait for “the masses” to clear the path to Power and for one name to replace another up above so that nothing changes below.

We think that the moments that transform the world are not born on the calendars above, but are created by the daily, stubborn, and continuous work of those who choose to organize themselves instead of following the current trend.

This much is true: there will be a profound change, a real transformation in this and other suffering lands around the world.

Not one but many revolutions will shake the planet.

But the result of these will not be a change of name and logo in which those above continue to be above at the cost of those below.

Real transformation will not be a change of government, but a change of relation, where the people command and the government obeys.

It will be one where the government is not a business.

Where the fact of being woman, man, other,[iii] child, elderly, young person, a worker in the countryside or city, does not mean living a nightmare or falling prey to the enjoyment and enrichment of those who govern.

Where women are not humiliated, the indigenous are not looked upon with disdain, where the young person is not disappeared and those who are different are not satanized, where childhood is not turned into a commodity, where the elderly are not discarded.

It will be one where terror and death do not reign.

One where there are neither kings nor subjects, neither masters nor slaves, neither exploiters nor exploited, neither saviours nor saved, neither bosses nor followers, neither commanders nor commanded, neither shepherds nor flocks.

Yes, we know it won’t be easy.

Yes, we know it won’t be fast.

We know this, but we also know that it won’t be a change in names and letters on the criminal building of the system.

And we know it will happen.

We know that you and everyone else will find their disappeared, that there will be justice, that for all those who have suffered and continue to suffer this sorrow will come the relief of having answers to the what, why, who, and how. And upon these answers not only will punishment be brought to those responsible, but the necessary measures constructed so that this cannot happen again and that to be a young person or a student, a woman, a child, a migrant, an indigenous person, or whoever, will not mean being a target for the executioner in turn to identify his next victim.

We know that this will be so because we have heard something, among many things, that we have in common.

We know that you, like us, will not sell out, will not give in, and will not give up.

Brothers and sisters:

On our behalf, we want only for you to take with you this thought that we express from the bottom of our collective heart:

Thank you for your words, sisters and brothers.

But above all, thank you for your struggle.

Thank you, because upon knowing you, we now see the horizon…




From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.

For the Revolutionary Indigenous Clandestine Committee—General Command of the Zapatista Army for National Liberation.

Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.

Mexico, on the 15th day of November of 2014, in the twentieth year of the war against oblivion.

[1] The Escuelas Normales in Mexico are teaching colleges that principally train rural and indigenous young people to be teachers in their own communities.

[i] The text uses “uno, una, unoa” for to give a range of possible gendered pronouns including male, female, transgender and others.

[ii] The text uses “muchos, muchas, muchoas” to give a range of possible gendered pronouns including male, female, transgender and others.

[iii] The text uses “otroa,” meaning “other,” to give a range of possible gendered pronouns including male, female, transgender and others.



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